Geopolitics

China’s ‘China shock’

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Recently, in The Signal: What are the risks of “killer robots” to civilians? Lucy Suchman on the automation of modern warfare.

Today: Why are millions of factory jobs leaving China? Victor Shih on the country’s extraordinary self-inflicted loss.

+ Is Donald Trump making the People’s Republic more popular? What we’re tracking for this week’s member’s despatch. & New music from Max Richter

FEATURE

Whisked away

Yanhao Fang
Fields of solar panels glimmer in the Saudi Arabian desert. Fleets of BYD electric vans dodge bikes while delivering goods across Amsterdam. Teenagers in Jakarta are glued to their Xiaomi or Oppo smartphones—affordable, sleek, and packed with features. Meanwhile, somewhere in rural Kenya, a farmer uses facial recognition to unlock a new electric motorbike. And all this technology—it’s made in China.

Thanks to enormous government subsidies, Chinese firms now dominate the global markets for many high-tech products, such as solar panels and EV batteries—though it’s come at the cost of anger with Beijing in these countries for crowding out their domestic producers.

It’s the latest variation on a theme that’s become common since China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001: Cheap Chinese products flood global markets, a major consequence of which has been the loss of manufacturing jobs throughout the developed world—often called the “China Shock.”

But over the past couple decades, there’s been a dramatic change within China: Labor-intensive factory jobs are disappearing. From 2011 to 2019, average employment in 12 labor-intensive manufacturing industries—like textiles, shoes, and toys—fell by about 14 percent. The number of jobs in the textile industry shrank by 40 percent. From 2011 to 2023, those 12 industries lost almost 7.5 million jobs.

Why?

Victor Shih is the Ho Miu Lam Chair in China and Pacific Relations at the University of California, San Diego, and the author of Factions and Finance in China: Elite Conflict and Inflation. Shih says mostly, the Chinese government chose to let these jobs go.

It’s true that as any country gets richer, labor-intensive jobs in the manufacturing of lower-value goods tend to move to poorer countries. But Beijing has engineered this one: In 2015, the country launched Made in China 2025, a plan to direct the country’s manufacturing capacity—and lavish state subsidies—toward high-tech industries and away from low-end ones. Then, during its first trade war with Washington in 2018, Beijing nudged companies to shift some factories overseas to evade American tariffs.

These massive shifts in industrial policy are having a correspondingly massive impact on people across China. With their former manufacturing employment disappearing, Shih says, millions of Chinese now find themselves dependent on either modest public welfare or the precarious gig economy—which might now be even more labor-intensive than the factory line …

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CONNECTIONS / FROM THE DESPATCH

China first

Since U.S. President Donald Trump declared a new round of global tariffs on April 2, Chinese diplomats have been unusually busy: They organized a meeting with their counterparts from Japan and South Korea—the first meeting among representatives of the three countries in five years. President Xi Jinping is in Russia now, at ceremonies commemorating the end of World War II, where he’s meeting with President Vladimir Putin and many other heads of state. Since April 2, Xi has already traveled to Vietnam, Cambodia, and Malaysia—and next week, he’ll meet with Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and other Latin American leaders at a summit in Beijing.

China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi has meanwhile met with more than 20 foreign leaders, including of Nigeria, Uzbekistan, and Switzerland. And last week, Beijing dropped sanctions against several members of the European Parliament that had been in place for four years.

What’s going on here?

Open
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DEVELOPMENTS / WHAT WE’RE TRACKING
An offer you can’t refuse
On Sunday, U.S. President Donald Trump said Qatar would present his administration with a luxury jetliner valued at about US$400 billion—widely described as a “flying palace”—to use as the presidential aircraft, Air Force One, during his tenure. After which, the jet would be decommissioned and transferred to his presidential library. Democrats and other critics described the plan as blatant corruption and illegal under the American Constitution.

  • Trump defended the plan on Monday, saying the plane would be transferred to the Defense Department, not directly to him personally—and that only a “stupid person” would say no to such a gift.
  • Authoritarian regimes in the Middle East regularly spend millions each year on influence operations in Washington, in both direct lobbying and gifts to think tanks or universities—and in fact, Qatar lags behind the annual spending by the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. … For context, see Ben Freeman, “Broad daylight”—from The Signal’s recent print extra Altered States.
  • A UAE investment firm recently put $2 billion into a cryptocurrency venture owned by the Trump family.

The Gulf autocracies are typically low-key with their U.S. influence strategies: They might sponsor sports teams or events—but in politics, they typically funnel money through legal donations to institutions and registered lobbying efforts in Washington. These latest, massive—and obvious—moves to win favor with the Trump administration raise a question about why these dictators are suddenly operating so conspicuously.

They clearly expect the White House to be receptive—and part of the reason for that may be that they now see in it a similar governing style to their own, in which power is concentrated in the person of the ruler, who runs the state like a family business. … For context: Stephen Hanson, “The custom of dons.”

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Coming soon: Rosie Campbell on what’s behind the growing difference in voting patterns between men and women in the U.S. and Europe …
MUSIC
‘Perihelion’
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Categories: Geopolitics

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