This is Manifesto of the Nova Resistência.

Kosmic

Our objective is to build a New World and a New Homeland, through a New Order, built by a New Man. All that matters is whether a proposal or thesis works, has concrete applicability, and is superior to others to some degree. Precedent only matters to confirm success or failure. Opposite assumptions are reconciled in a superior synthesis that is supported by the paradigms of the design of a Fourth Political Theory. To simplify the way in which the New Resistance interprets the world, as well as to clarify what it defends, and to reveal the character of its struggle, we present some of the general principles that govern us as an organization:

Labor – We recognize the fundamental contribution of historical Labor to the foundation of recent Brazil and we understand that it consists of the only mass doctrine genuinely emerged on Brazilian soil: we defend its deepening and radicalization, especially in its socialist (and patriotic) formulation forged by Leonel Brizola.

Brazil must be a State of free producers, in which workers are direct owners of the means of production – as parts of a family productive unit, as members of an autonomous cooperative or as State employees who have their voices heard and actively participate. of the administration of the state machine through self-management councils formed by workers. Every citizen must be a Worker. Labor must overcome Capital. The values ​​of Labor are intrinsically superior to the values ​​of Capital. Outside of Work, the parasites and leeches of the People must be exposed to daylight. The Worker must be integrated into the national wealth to, thus, polish the historical destiny of the Fatherland, in order to undermine bourgeois political institutions and destroy bourgeois political power.

Distributism – The capitalist concentration of private property in the hands of a handful of oligarchs and landowners is a form of expropriation that proletarianizes large portions of the population, making them slaves of wage labor and, not infrequently, condemning them to misery and hunger. In this way, the small property must be distributed and disseminated as widely as possible and delivered to family communities. As for the large property (whose unit is not essential), it must be fragmented and distributed among the family productive units. If this is not possible due to some material contingency (if your unit is essential), it must be nationalized and placed at the service of the State to be managed together with self-management councils formed by workers. Distributism is an economic doctrine directly linked to the Iberian-Catholic branch of Brazilian civilization. Its applicability is total and immediate in agriculture, but it is also possible in the industrial and service sectors, depending on the type of good produced or the service offered.

Communitarianism – The greatest disease of modernity and postmodernity is individualism. Collectivism, however, is nothing more than the apology of agglomerations of individuals and the massification of people. As an alternative, we followed the path of Communitarianism. From a communitarian perspective, People are inextricable parts of some community order, participants in a collection of interactions between a human community in a given place, possessing one or more characteristics in common and sharing a certain historical and identity sense. The Community exists before the individual and endures beyond him (if not destroyed). The Family is the smallest and most fundamental of the communities and, therefore, it is the base of the State and of the society.

Cooperativism – Large-scale infrastructure, industries and services, essential for the country’s existence, must be controlled by the State through strategically selected representatives, legitimized by self-managed workers’ councils. Medium-scale infrastructures, industries and services must be controlled by autarchic workers’ cooperatives – including both high-complexity infrastructures, industries and services and those linked to less complex functions. This is socialism.

Patriotic Socialism – As a result of the interaction between the philosophy of brizolist labor, the distributist vector of maximizing the distribution of the means of production, the philosophical contribution of communitarianism and the cooperative paradigm, we arrived at the concept of patriotic socialism. The Worker is the steel hammer used by the People in the construction of their historic destiny. Property as the possession of those who work. The presence of a multiplicity of community systems of different types (family, cooperative, autarchic, intra-industrial and intra-factory self-management) in the exploitation of the property, with a view to social justice and the socioeconomic health of the immediate organic communities, as well as the strengthening of the communitarian state.

Municipalism – Just as the smallest social unit is the Family, the smallest political unit is the Municipality. The Municipality is where most people carry out all their community interactions: it is the geographic center of everyday life. In this way, Brazilian municipalities must be emancipated from the excessive control exercised by the Union and the States: each municipality must have ample autonomy to associate with other municipalities in the way it wishes, to legislate relatively freely in various areas and to govern itself. even in a more direct, organic and democratic way, beyond what the characteristic complexity of our era allows. Municipalism is the elevation of Municipalities to the status of socially relevant actors in national politics. The Municipality, however, must not overlap the Homeland, just as the People must not overlap the Community. The relationship between all these actors must be one of interaction, obeying a certain degree of hierarchy.

Ethnopluralism/Pan-identitarianism – Above the Family and the Municipality, every citizen is part of some ethnic or cultural grouping. Such affiliation is fundamental to the process of socialization of man as part of a lineage with decades, centuries or millennia of existence. The possibility of participating in a rooted ethnocultural community is fundamental for man’s self-understanding and, thus, for making him a functional citizen, capable of reproducing and deepening the characteristics, skills, perspectives, knowledge and customs of his ancestors. We defend the possibility of autonomous self-organization of any and all ethnic, cultural or ethnocultural groups in Brazil, in the geographic spaces in which they are rooted, be they municipal, sub-municipal or supra-municipal, in order to enforce, in these spaces, their cosmovision and their traditions. We believe that therein lies the root of the highest possible communal freedom. In this regard, there should be no duplicity or hypocrisy. What should apply to Kayapó or quilombolas must apply to Germans or Azoreans, with no exceptions of any kind.

Heterarchy – Closely associated with the ideas presented above, the idea of ​​heterarchy proposes the possibility of multiple dynamic power structures existing simultaneously to govern the norms and customs of the national political system. The same citizen can belong simultaneously to several networks of community relations, all of them recognized by the Brazilian patriotic socialist state and endowed with their own regulations. In this sense, in a Germanic community, Brazilian citizens may have determined the application of the wergild legal system, while in a Shiite neighborhood, in another city, the Sharia is in effect. At the same time, in the first space, municipalities can be organized voluntarily and autonomously into a community of cities governed by a gerontocratic council, while the neighborhood in the second example can be part of a municipality in which a form of limited direct democracy is in force, and so on.

Autarky – We defend, as a primary function of economic science, the provision of the maximum possible self-sufficiency of our State and our society. An autarkic State, that is, self-sufficient, is the guarantee of national freedom vis-à-vis all other States on the planet. This autarchy must be achieved by better rational use of natural resources and by heavy investments in infrastructure and increased productivity, following the management and property distribution models listed above.

Meritocratism – The State, understood here as the central power of Brazil, above all smaller communities, must be guided by a vanguard of citizens, coming from the various community systems, selected for their aptitudes and capabilities, in a legitimately meritocratic way (in opposition to bourgeois meritocratism), which guarantees, with equity, the possibility of any citizen joining the state machinery.

Protectionism – Against the myth of the free market in the context of international economic relations, the New Resistance defends the support and protection of national agriculture and industry by the State, through subsidies, customs barriers and all possible means that allow us to prevent the conquest of our communities by international economic predators and pirates.

Continentalism – The New Resistance does not forget that Brazil is part of a great continent, of a greater civilization. For a long time, Brazil has had its back to its neighbors, despite sharing a long history with them, as well as deep ethnic, cultural and religious roots. In recognition of this degree of fundamental unity and the need for a continental alliance for mutual defense against Atlanticist and imperialist threats, we defend a growing integration of the countries of the American continent, starting from South America and reaching a Great Homeland and/or Iberian Civilization. -American. Such integration must be carried out on terms to which all countries and their peoples can freely and unanimously agree, in a spirit of fraternity and civilizational solidarity.

Multipolarism – As an inevitable consequence of our entire worldview, and as an unavoidable part of it, we defend multipolarism as the principle of international relations for the future. The New Resistance accepts as inevitable and desirable a planet occupied, in the future, by a myriad of powers, continental alliances and civilizational conglomerates in a situation of relative parity. Such a situation will complicate any pretensions to impose cosmovisions on foreign spaces at the international level (radically transforming the possibilities of international cooperation), as well as making the emergence of powers with global hegemonist and imperialist pretensions unfeasible. The international system must be multidimensional and multipolar.

Internationalist nationalism – The history of recent decades is full of clear examples of how provincialism, chauvinism and isolationism only harm the cause of peoples. If the enemy is global and has tentacles spread all over the world, the fight must be international. The ultimate victory against Atlanticist imperialism, against globalism, against international neoliberal enterprises, against the international Zionist lobby will only be possible through the coordinated action of diverse patriotic forces in a common struggle. Authentic nationalism must fight in a network, spreading fires to squander the power structures of the global enemy. Authentic internationalism aims at the cooperation of peoples, and not the shattering of patriotic and local identities. Inter-nationalism is nationalism’s greatest ally!

Deep Ecology – As part of a cosmovision that strives for holism, for communitarianism, in short, for the notion that the whole is greater and greater than the sum of its parts, the New Resistance defends a new environmentalist perception that places man as a of the parts of an interdependent network of living entities, whose maintenance in a state of equilibrium is beneficial in itself and has a value superior to what can be subtracted from the instrumental utility of any specific living entity. Understanding this is essential to ensure the perpetual strengthening and improvement of the human species.

Restoration of the Sacred/Resacralization of the World – The New Resistance yearns and wishes to promote the resacralization of the world. Without being a confessional movement, we defend the rescue of Traditional spiritualities as something fundamental to the fight against modern and postmodern evils. Traditional religions are essential aspects of the various national communities, of the various Nations that exist in our Homeland, and must once again be an active part of the formation of man and citizens, from the earliest childhood.

Ethics of Virtue – The New Resistance is a movement that aims to forge new political soldiers, men and women, capable of imposing a New Order and generating a New World. Deontological and consequentialist moral systems are incapable of creating the heroic type capable of performing such Herculean tasks. In this sense, the New Resistance aims to promote among its staff, and for society in general, an ethics based on the cultivation of classical virtues and the strengthening of human character, in addition to opportunistic calculations and externalist moralities.

Archeofuturism – We do not wish to return to any falsely romanticized and idealized period of the past, nor do we intend to unthinkingly delve into technological progress. We believe that technical progress must obey guidelines determined by eternal values ​​and virtues, that it is possible to unite Progress and Tradition and that it is not necessary to imprison society in a bubble or give up the best and most fundamental aspects of our multiple ethnic heritages, cultural and religious.

Traditionalism – Fundamentally, we believe that it is not necessary to change what has worked for millennia and served as a foundation for civilizations. History is the great testing ground for theories, ideologies and institutions. The eagerness to make bizarre changes in customs and traditions, in favor of the desires of groups of individuals, is nothing more than a postmodern, liberal and globalist Western neurotic mania, tied to the power project of the world ruling class.

It is in these absolutely revolutionary terms that the New Resistance thinks. Each central idea of ​​this Manifesto could be further developed, but the above should already serve to guide the studies and reflections of the national-revolutionary political soldier of the 21st century.