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Insights on Race Issues

From “Miles,” a poster on Chris George’s blog:

The Deacons for Defense and the Black Panthers, in my eyes, were legitimate anti-racists who acted against racist governments for self-determination. But then again, most of the members of these groups (esp. the Panthers) were involved in community movements and not co-opted by corporate state diversity programs.

When Black Panthers helped the Young Patriots to organize Urban Appalachians in Chicago against police brutality and typical urban problems, the Panthers were successful because of their non-moral-supremacist approach as opposed to the SPLC’s force-fed diversity nazi way of trying to promote tolerance. A lot of the Patriots had relatives in the KKK and whatnot, but steadfast community organizers like Bobby Lee ignored these dilemma to help launch a united working class war against oppression that would be co-opted by a common enemy, Cointelpro.

And from “Kulak,” a poster at AlternativeRight.Com:

Our proper ally here is NOT “middle class” blacks who abandon their own and whose grandchildren are not an asset to our neighborhoods. Our proper ally here is “lower class” blacks.”

Interesting how two posters, one from the anti-racist far left and one from the racist far right, essentially reach the same conclusion. I agree with much of the paleoconservative analysis of America’s class structure, but one way where I think it errors is in its tendency to regard the left-wing of the upper-middle class (the “New Class”) as allies of the so-called “underclass” (meaning the urban poor and/or lumpenproletariat, often but certainly not always comprised of racial minorities). I would argue that the role of the New Class is to regulate and control the urban lower classes, which is the primary function of the whole therapeutic-welfare-managerial public sector bureaucracy in the first place. It is this New Class that staffs the entire bureaucratic apparatus that regulates the lower classes,  including Child Protective Services, social welfare systems, child support enforcement, family courts, so-called “criminal justice,” public housing, mental health professions, public schools, the myriad of busy body “case workers,” and so forth. There is no class more committed to the totalitarian humanist ideology than these public sector professional types.

Some insightful leftists actually recognize this. One of Howard Zinn’s books (I forget which one) included a chapter called “Revolt of the Guards” where he was calling on these public sector professional bureaucrats to renounce the plutocratic capitalist upper class and take up the cause of the poor whom they are charged with supervising. Implicit in the use of Zinn’s use of the term “guards” is that he understood that these sectors are agents of state control and not so-called “helping professionals.” He understood that the social bureaucracy is to ordinary society what guards are to jails and prisons. Of course, Zinn’s challenge was sheer fantasy. When have guards ever siding with prisoners in a prison uprising?

It is ironic that the New Class that the paleo-populist-traditionalist-racialist right-wing hates the most is the same class that administers the day to day oppression of the urban poor.

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3 replies »

  1. Is there anything all that new about this New Class? It reminds me of the upper middle class Victorian gentlemen who sat on the boards of 19th century workhouses, charities, schools, prisons, sanitaria and a variety of other institutions for the purpose described: regulation of the lower classes or their betterment (usually in a Christian sense).

  2. That may have been the beginning of the New Class, but we have to consider the way in which the New Class has become this vast public sector bureaucracy and institutional managerial sector that is now on the verge of taking over the state itself.

    On this issue I would recommend Alvin W. Gouldner’s “The Future of Intellectuals and the Rise of the New Class.”

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