[Keith: This was a submission originally sent to  the UK’s Libertarian Alliance, which rejected it because it might be a bit “too hot to handle.” Such writing might even be illegal in the United Kingdom. Then, it was sent to Attack the System. I am posting it because it is representative of the candor with which genocidal enthusiasms have been expressed to me personally by Zionists in other contexts. Here we have it, straight from the horse’s mouth. Unlike their Western Gentile apologists with their persistent denialism, the Israeli  Zionist proponents of the genocide of the Palestinian people frequently express the same glee over their crimes as, ironically,  surviving Nazi war criminals such as Adolf Eichmann and Alois Brunner.]

Gaza: Please Cut the Crocodile Tears

An Israeli Responds to Gaza Critics

Editor’s Note: The following article was submitted by an Israeli writer who does not identify as a libertarian. It offers a deliberately provocative and unapologetic defence of Israeli policy in Gaza, one that stands in stark contrast to our recent coverage, which has been highly critical of the Israeli state. We publish it not because we endorse its content, but in the interest of intellectual balance and in defence of open debate on matters of public importance. The tone is intentionally abrasive. It may even be satire. Perhaps you should read it as such.

Let me begin with some preliminary remarks that will save time for everyone.

First, I am not a libertarian. If I were pushed to define my politics, I might call myself simply a realist: I try to see the world clearly as it is, not as I might wish it to be. This means that I see the world as a place of racial or national collectives, each with separate and often conflicting interests. There may be some room for libertarian solutions within each group—as suitable, that is, for its needs and propensities—but there is none for dealings between groups: these dealings are—not should be—a matter of self-interest and comparative power.

Second, though born in England, and though retaining much affection for England—its people, its culture, its history, even its weather—and though I think in English, I define myself as an Israeli Jew. This means that I approach any question of public policy with the single question: what is good for my people? Anyone else who fails to ask this question for his people is a fool, and he deserves to be used by others who do, and he will generally ensure that his own people loses in the long term—even if he may seem to do well personally for a while.

These two points having been made, I follow the Libertarian Alliance blog because it is one of the most literate and intellectually open sites in the Anglosphere. I am now writing because I take exception to these articles by Sebastian Wang:

• The BBC and the Gaza Massacres: Silence as State Policy
• Supermarket Protests and the Limits of Conscience: A Personal Reflection
• The Limits of Outrage: Hate Speech and Taking Sides on Gaza
• Gaza and the Final Retreat of Conscience: A British Silence Broken Too Late

I am not upset by these. They have not hurt my feelings. I am not calling for them to be censored. I am not itching to put Mr Wang on some list of people not to be given internships. I still have some English ways. What I take exception to is that the author is a highly intelligent fool. He really believes that rules that may it be suitable to follow within groups should be followed in dealings between groups. Worse than that, perhaps, he seems to assume that they ever were. They are not. They never were. If they were now to be followed, I doubt if the world would be made a better place overall.

So, let me save a little more time with some admissions. Yes, Israel is killing civilians. Not just by accident. Not just as a tragic by-product of war. But as a calculated part of strategy. Entire neighbourhoods are levelled. Power stations and water treatment plants are bombed. Humanitarian convoys are shelled. Schools are reduced to rubble. Doctors are buried beneath their own hospitals. Children are burned with white phosphorus. Women are starved in maternity wards. And if they survive, they are driven into squalor under tarpaulin, surrounded by open graves.

Yes, this is being done on purpose. We want them to leave—if not by choice, then by attrition; if not today, then tomorrow, or the day after the next war. Gaza is to be emptied, broken, cauterised. The West Bank is to be Balkanised into powerless Bantustans. The dream of a Jewish and democratic state cannot coexist with millions of resentful, fertile, angry Arabs. So we are solving the problem as others before us solved it—through exhaustion and elimination.

Yes, Israel destabilises the entire region. Lebanon is a perpetual hostage, bombed into the Stone Age every few years. Syria is fractured, courtesy of Western intervention for our benefit. Iraq was destroyed not by Israeli bombs but by Israeli strategy—our think tanks, our allies, our interests. Every state that could offer resistance must be disarmed, dismembered, or drowned in civil war. That’s not paranoia. That’s policy. “The Clean Break,” they called it in 1996. Read it.

Yes, your governments know. Yes, your politicians know. Yes, your generals, journalists, aid workers, and diplomats all know. But they say nothing. Or they say just enough to please the mob, then vote for more weapons, more funding, more UN vetoes. Why? Because we own them. Or at least, we rent them.

Which brings us to the part that nobody likes to say aloud: we’ve bought your rulers. You think they are brave? Visionary? Principled? You think they answer to you? Dream on! We’ve bought them—with campaign funds, with business deals, with think tank posts and junkets, and the promise of a quiet retirement somewhere nice. Every man has his price. And we’ve been in the business long enough to know what it is. You elect them. We manage them.

Do you blame us for that? If so, why? It takes two to be bent—the one offering the cash, the other trousering it. In politics, of course, it takes a whole lot more: it also takes the idiots who vote for light-fingered scum without noticing. If you spent half as much time looking at the names of the ballot paper as you do on choosing your next car, that spray of bribes would wash straight off.

Or there’s the kompromat. Your rulers are idiots. And more importantly, they’re horny idiots. They’re the kind who’ll risk everything for a private jet, a 15-year-old girl in a luxury suite, and the feeling of being important. That, or they can’t keep their hands off scabby rent boys with a taste for crack.

Mossad knows this. It builds dossiers like the British used to build railways—everywhere and forever. Think of your favourite Western politician. If he’s been in office more than five years, odds are Mossad has a file on him. Hotel videos. Offshore accounts. Emails that never should’ve been sent. Texts that look like the plot of a French sex farce. Jeffrey Epstein is just the tip of a very big iceberg.

Again, you can blame us. But when did we ever force you to vote for the rogue’s gallery of Jimmy Savile actalikes who lord it over you?

Now that we’ve cleared the air, let’s speak about hypocrisy. You act as though Israeli conduct is a grotesque exception to the rules of civilised nationhood. As if every other country emerged clean and consensual, born from treaties and mutual respect.

This is nonsense. Let us start with England, which remains one of the bloodiest stories in history dressed up in fancy suits. In the fifth century, the Anglo-Saxons arrived. They did not come in peace. They came in warbands, with axes and fire, and they tore Britain apart. The Romano-Britons, who had lived there for centuries, were butchered or driven west into the margins. Whole cities vanished. Hillforts became graveyards. Latin disappeared. Christianity withered. The language changed, the names changed, the people changed—because the people were changed. The few who survived huddled in Wales and Cornwall, muttering prayers in broken tongues while the invaders renamed their rivers, their saints, their gods. The genocide—for that is what it was—left no monuments, only absence.

Then came 1066. The Normans—more sophisticated but no less brutal—obliterated the Anglo-Saxon elite. Within a generation, every landowner of note spoke French. The north rebelled. William the Conqueror burned it down. Tens of thousands died. Whole counties depopulated. This was called the Harrying. You do not teach it in school. It is inconvenient history. Of course, the moment you stopped hating each other, you turned on the rest of the world.

So let’s come into the nearer past. The school books say you entered World War I for Brave Little Belgium—that, or because no one in Europe understood the railway timetables. As they say in Liverpool—My arse! Your ruling class took you into that one with cold eyes wide open. They wanted control of the Middle Eastern oil. This was owned by the Ottoman Empire. Sadly, the Germans were in bed with the Ottomans, and were talking of a railway from Berlin to Bagdad. So your rulers puffed up a contretemps in Sarajevo into an excuse for a war to destroy Germany. The idea was that the French and Russians would do all the heavy dying, while you painted the Middle East red. Sadly again, the French and Russians weren’t fit for purpose, and you were left to raise an army of three million men to grind away for years on the Western Front. But the real war for your rulers was what Allenby did to the Turks. The million young men who got blown to mincemeat and rags in France were a sideshow. And it all worked out for the best. Come 1918, and Germany was flat on its back, and the Middle East turned red—or red in all the bits that mattered.

My people come into the story—oh, but that’s a long story. In summary, it was nothing to do with nice Lord Balfour waking up one morning and saying: “Let’s offer the Jews a homeland.” It had a little to do with persuading my American cousins to bribe Wilson into entering the War. Not a lot, though: he’d already made his private deal with Lloyd George. No—we were put there as local muscle to help keep your petro-colonies in line. We did eventually fall out over what lines to draw on the map. But, as said, that’s a long story. For the moment, it’s enough that we’re still there; and we’re there because your rulers were on that occasion what they’ve always been—totally ruthless bastards, variously feared and hated and admired by all the world. So please don’t talk to me about honour and decency. You say Israel is wicked? England is built on bones.

And what of America? What of that beautiful “city on a hill”? Built on extermination from day one. The Indian Wars lasted centuries. Each treaty was a pause before the next betrayal. Whole nations disappeared. The Trail of Tears, Wounded Knee, the ghost shirts soaked in blood—this is not ancient history. The reservation system today is a carcass of colonialism dressed in bureaucracy. Indian women are sterilised. Indian men are imprisoned. Their children commit suicide at rates that should provoke horror but never do.

Australia? The Aborigines were declared fauna until the 1960s. They were poisoned, raped, hunted. Their children stolen by the state in what you now call the “Stolen Generations”—as if the theft were somehow poetic.

New Zealand? The Māori were promised protection under the Treaty of Waitangi, then promptly dispossessed, their language suppressed, their warriors crushed.

Belgium? Congo. France? Algeria. Germany? Namibia. Spain? South America. Portugal? Angola, Mozambique, Brazil.

The entire Western world stands on stolen land, soaked in blood. Your borders are drawn in massacre. Your flags flutter over cemeteries. Your museums are warehouses of loot. You have no right to judge us.

Oh, and don’t suppose I am judging you. Don’t suppose I am trying to make you feel guilty. I am simply telling you the truth about yourselves. We are all human beings; and human beings, judged by the standards of Sebastian’s Christian faith, are all miserable sinners. Thucydides understood the world. In the Melian Dialogue, the Athenians speak plainly: “The strong take what they will; the weak suffer what they must.” You did the same. Now we do.

But there’s something more galling in your hypocrisy. At least your ancestors believed in what they were doing. They had the courage of empire. You, in contrast, drape your wars in human rights, your theft in diversity, your violence in therapy. You are the equivalent of some opponent of hunting who tucks into steaks killed and prepared by someone else.

We have no time for such lies. We speak plainly. Our goal is survival and permanence through domination. We do not apologise. We do not pretend.

And we are showing you something you may yet find useful. Look around you. Your societies are crumbling. Your borders mean nothing. Your cities are riot zones. Your populations are fragmented. Your elites are decadent. Your loyalties dissolve a little more with each new wave of immigration and each new ideological fad. You may sneer at Israel, but one day soon, you will study us. You will ask: how did they keep their borders? How did they identify enemies and neutralise them? How did they remove hostile populations? How did they manage a state of siege while keeping order?

And the answer will be: by doing what you once did, but forgot. We are the past you care not to think about. We are the future you fear—and perhaps the future you need.

And here is the last thing I’ll say, the one no one likes to admit: you don’t like us. You admire us in theory. You tolerate us in public. But deep down, most Gentiles regard Jews as either too clever or too strange—too clannish, too liberal, too socialist, too rich, too anxious, too disruptive: too everything.

Fine. I don’t blame you. But you cannot have it both ways. If you don’t want us in your countries, then we must have our own. And if having our own country means displacing a people—as every people displaces another—then so be it. You did it. We do it. The only difference is that we are doing it now.

So don’t cry for Gaza, unless you want several million of us to come and add to the already vibrant diversity of your societies. Don’t mourn Palestinian children, unless you want to make common cause with people who are obviously getting ready to replace you. Don’t flatter yourself with slogans and hashtags.

We know what you are. You know what we are. We are doing what you did—only better, only faster, only without apology. And we are not finished yet.