Tuesday's Election: Things Are Moving Along as Expected

On six different occasions between 1984 and 1994, I cast a ballot in an American election, including five general elections and one primary. Of my five general election votes, four were for Democrats and one for a Libertarian. I’ve only voted for a Republican once, in the 1988 Super Tuesday primary. I voted for Bob Dole, not because I liked him, but because I wanted to vote against two other candidates. The philosophe in me was thrilled at the prospect of voting against the Rev. Pat Robertson, and I also wanted to vote against Reagan’s Vice-President George H.W. Bush.

The Republicans are primarily the party of the right-wing of the traditional plutocracy, the upper class, and the military-industrial complex, with the uber-Zionist neoconservatives serving as their intellectual and political leadership, and the no doubt typically sincere libertarians, conservatives, and populists who vote for them are their useful idiots. I’ve previously explained why that is  here and here. The Democrats are primarily the party of the newer, more high-tech industries as opposed to the traditional plutocracy of oil, agriculture, manufacturing, and finance (although elite banking interests and the great corporations obviously have their hands in both parties). In particular, industries related to the mass media and entertainment are aligned with the Democrats. That is why the New York and Los Angeles areas are among the few localities where the wealthy vote typically goes Democratic. It is in these newer industries where the newly rich, and the so-called “bourgeois bohemians” can be found.  These represent a new, rising force within the plutocracy, and one that is more culturally liberal than the traditional elite.  Essentially, the present manifestation of the Democrat/Republican dichotomy represents a class struggle between the traditional upper class (comparable to the old European aristocracies) and a rising newly rich that is comparable to the rising bourgeoisie of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The new rich and the bourgeois bohemians represent the rising upper middle and new upper class in the industrial sector, with the New Class of professional and bureaucratic elites representing this rising upper middle class in the public sector.  This is also a cultural struggle, as the rising upper middle class represents the values of the post-1960s culture, with the  traditional elite and the more traditional middle to upper-middle class continuing to represent the pre-1960s culture. To some degree, this is also a racial and religious struggle, with the Democrats representing the elite members of traditional outgroups, and the upwardly mobile sectors of America’s traditional racial and religious minorities, and the Republicans continuing to represent the traditional WASP elites and the traditionally dominant WASP culture.

As readers of this blogsite are aware, the American Revolutionary Vanguard/Attack the System platform and strategy is based upon a number of predictions and presumptions. The first of these is that the traditional WASP elite will eventually be dethroned by the rising, multicultural, post-60s upper middle class who will then constitute the new plutocracy and have full control over the economy and the state. This rising new elite brings with it the ideology of totalitarian humanism, which I have explained here, here, here, and here, and here. This ideology of totalitarian humanism is the contemporary equivalent of the Jacobinism of the French revolutionaries or the Marxists of the twentieth century. As the great liberal-monarchist scholar Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn observed:

Marxism is absolutely bourgeois and therefore appeals strongly to the left-of-center, middle-class mind with its commercial background. Waldemar Gurian was very much to the point when he wrote, “Marxism, and therefore Russian Bolshevism, does but voice the secret and unavowed philosophy of bourgeois society when it regards society and economics as absolute. “…It was the late Ben Hecht who admonished his readers not to believe in the picture of the Communist as a man with a bomb in one hand and a dagger in another. To Hecht, bolshevism was a movement that evolved logically from nice middle-class democracy.

In other words, proponents of totalitarian ideologies are almost always alienated intellectuals, professionals, and educated persons from the left-wing of the middle class, whether they be Jacobins, Marxists, Fascists, Nazis, or Totalitarian Humanists.  This rising upper middle class considers itself to be revolutionary in nature, as indicated by an ideologue of Totalitarian Humanism, Tim Wise, a self-proclaimed, self-styled, professional “anti-racist”:

And in the pantheon of American history, conservative old white people have pretty much always been the bad guys, the keepers of the hegemonic and reactionary flame, the folks unwilling to share the category of American with others on equal terms.

Fine, keep it up. It doesn’t matter.

Because you’re on the endangered list.

And unlike, say, the bald eagle or some exotic species of muskrat, you are not worth saving.

In forty years or so, maybe fewer, there won’t be any more white people around who actually remember that Leave it to Beaver, Father Knows Best, Opie-Taylor-Down-at-the-Fishing Hole cornpone bullshit that you hold so near and dear to your heart…

And by then you will have gone all in as a white nationalist movement — hell you’ve all but done that now — thus guaranteeing that the folks of color, and even a decent size minority of us white folks will be able to crush you, election after election, from the Presidency on down to the 8th grade student council…

Because those who have lived on the margins, who have been abused, maligned, targeted by austerity measures and budget cuts, subjected to racism, classism, sexism, straight supremacy and every other form of oppression always know more about their abusers than the abusers know about their victims.

Wise’s reference to “forty years” is particularly relevant because what he is referring to is the projected demographic transformation of the United States that is predicted to occur sometime around the year 2050. It is projected that at that point there will no longer be an ethnic majority in the United States. According to the utopian-universalist-Jacobin-Marxist beliefs of people like Tim Wise, everyone will then live happily ever after in a multicultural utopia administrated by enlightened New Class liberal elites like himself (or his ideological descendants) who will have a privileged existence in the manner of a Soviet apparatchik.

“Forty years” is also highly relevant to the ARV/ATS program. Last year, I published an essay titled “Forty Years in the Wilderness” where I projected a time frame for the advancement of our struggle and the achievement of victory. ARV/ATS differs from most other anarchist factions in that we conceive of the struggle not in terms of the proletariat versus the bourgeoisie on the model of nineteenth and early twentieth century radicalism or in terms of traditional outgroups versus traditional WASP culture on the model of late twentieth century radicalism. Instead, we identify Totalitarian Humanism as the primary enemy, recognizing that it’s defeat of the traditional WASP elite is inevitable, and recognizing that the anarchist struggle against Totalitarian Humanism is the twenty-first century equivalent of the historic rivalry between Anarchists and Communists, between Stirner, Proudhon, or Bakunin and Marx and Engels, between the rival wings of the First International, between the Bolsheviks and the Kronstadt rebels, between the Spanish anarchists and the Spanish Communist Party, between Rothbard and the neocons, between liberty and statism.

The ARV/ATS outlook calls for the creation of a radical elite committed to the metapolitical outlook of “anarcho-pluralism,” a synthesis of the varying schools of anarchism and informed by relevant ideas from other ideologies (paleoconservatism, European New Right, bioregionalism, distributism, black nationalism). The ARV/ATS program advances the meta-strategic concept of “pan-secessionism” as the means of ultimately destroying the emerging Totalitarian Humanist state.  The ARV/ATS outlook recognizes ten core demographics, each of them with numerous subgroups, that will be the natural constituency for the resistance to Totalitarian Humanism.

So what does this have to do with Tuesday’s election? This ABC News exit poll identifies an “anger vote,” implicitly rooted in the demographic associated with the “Tea Party” movement. One of the ten core demographics is the so-called “populist right” element that presently identifies with the Tea Parties.  The Tea Parties are a reactionary, not a revolutionary movement, but this sector has the potential to become revolutionary once it finally realizes that it has no chance of reclaiming the state for itself and as it becomes increasingly subject to state repression as Totalitarian Humanism becomes more deeply entrenched in institutions. It is significant that the mainstream media would identify these sectors as an “anger vote” because anger is the sentiment that fuels revolutions. The exit poll in question also identifies an “economy vote.” This sector will become increasingly large and significant in the future as economic decline and widening class divisions continue. It is also significant that the “economy vote” went for the Republicans. This is an indication that the economically frustrated are casting their lot against the political party most strongly identified with Totalitarian Humanism in the public mind.  The “economy vote” is at present drawn primarily from the sinking middle class, which is another of the ten core demographics.

Others among the ten core demographics are the lumpenproletariat, traditional outgroups that are not included within the Left’s pantheon of the oppressed, and declasse sectors (persons of affluent origins or class positions who reject the values of their class). The various drug cultures are an obvious example of these. California’s Proposition 19 for the first time brought the drug decriminalization movement into the mainstream of American politics. Particularly significant is that the Obama administration, the most committed to Totalitarian Humanism of any regime in U.S. history, was openly hostile to Proposition 19, and Attorney General Eric Holder, himself a Totalitarian Humanist ideologue, threatened to disregard Proposition 19 in California if it were to pass.

Still others among the ten core demographics are racial minorities outside the liberal paradigm, the lower class members of the traditional outgroups, or members of the traditional outgroups who reject the values of Totalitarian Humanism. The ABC News exit poll indicates that the Republicans won the working class vote, the white Catholic vote, and roughly fifty percent of the women’s vote. As interesting as any other data from this election is the evidence of gains by black Republican candidates. What all of this indicates is that, as I have long predicted, the liberal coalition that forms the support base for the rising Totalitarian Humanist elite is unstable and is in the very early stages of showing its cracks.

None of this should be taken as an apology for the Republicans. The GOP represents the dying forces of a decrepit old bourgeoisie elite and a bankrupt empire. It is our task as revolutionaries not to side with the reactionaries of the GOP but to develop a movement that will eventually replace the Republicans as the primary competitors to the rising upper middle class and its totalitarian humanist ideology and state. Just as the Republican Party emerged through the collapses of the Whigs, and the synthesis of its more radical elements with a collection of fringe parties united by opposition to Southern secession, so is it our task to replace the Republican Party by absorbing its more radical populist elements and synthesizing these with others among the core demographics to be drawn from other sectors of American society, and unite these disparate elements under the banner of pan-secessionism.

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