The Day I Left the Left 9

Article by Jim Goad.

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Late one Saturday morning in 1990 under the skeleton-bleaching California sun, I motored through a crumbled, hilly, ashen section of East LA looking to see if any of the Hicks Boys Stoners were around to sell me some weed. Named after East LA’s Hicks Avenue, they were a loosely amalgamated gang of longhaired Mexican metalheads who shunned traditional cholo gang culture’s aesthetic trappings in favor of Richard “The Night Stalker” Ramirez-styled muerte obsessions, Satan worship, and generally aimless nihilism.

A few weeks earlier, I had written a cover story about the Hicks Boys for the Los Angeles Reader, a now-defunct free alt-weekly largely distributed in West LA. The magazine’s publisher was a short, pie-faced man with a voice so high-pitched one would suspect he was mainlining estrogen. He was slick-bald on top with a horseshoe rim of quarter-inch grey stubble around the sides and a Pixy Stix-thin footlong ponytail hanging limply in the back. Merely describing his ponytail tells you all you need to know about his politics.

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Totalitarian Humanism and Mass Immigration 4

This is the full text of my speech at the National Policy Institute Conference on September 10, 2011 in Washington, D.C.

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When Richard very graciously invited me to speak to this gathering, one of the first things I thought about was the fact that many people would no doubt wonder why someone with my political background and orientation would even be at a conference like this in the first place. Given that I am an anarchist, and this is a conference on nationalism, many would ask the question of whether anarchism and nationalism are not diametrically opposed perspectives. Certainly, the ardent critics of nationalism, whose ranks include many self-proclaimed anarchists, would likely feel this way and many who consider themselves nationalists might also consider the relationship between anarchism and nationalism to be an incompatible one.

I, for one, would deny the incompatibily of this relationship. I could cite the words of another anarchist who recently remarked that if you are opposed to one world government, you are already an anarchist of a kind, as you would then favor an anarchism of nations if not communities or individuals, and that the rest is just haggling over the details. So perhaps we are not as far apart on this question as we might think. However, my own reasons for holding to the views that I do involves a question that I think is much more substantive in nature and that is the question of what I call “totalitarian humanism.”

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The New Scarlet Letters Reply

Article by Andy Nowicki.

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Everyone who hopes for the best but fears the worst cannot escape finding himself afflicted with a rather jarring, almost schizophrenic sense of psychic discombobulation from time to time. One who has fully abandoned himself to pessimism, on the other hand, has no such problem; since he always expects the worst, he isn’t in the least shaken when bad things happen. But the persistence of hope can have a devastating impact upon a person’s psyche. Hope leads to mental dislocation, because it muddles one’s perceptions. Hope springs eternal, entirely of its own volition; one cannot choose to do without it, because—being a force of nature—it won’t be ignored. Hope causes a person to wonder if things really are as dire as they seem, even when they clearly are, since (as hope seductively whispers), “Surely it’s not that bad.”

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Blacks and Politics Reply

Article by Walter Williams.

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At one of last month’s Congressional Black Caucus-sponsored “job fairs,” Rep. Andre Carson, D-Ind., told the audience: “This is the effort that we’re seeing of Jim Crow. Some of these folks in Congress right now would love to see us as second-class citizens. Some of them in Congress right now with this tea party movement would love to see you and me – I’m sorry, Tamron – hanging on a tree.” Carson’s reference to Tamron was acknowledgment of the presence of MSNBC’s black reporter Tamron Hall, who didn’t deem it fit to report the congressman’s statement. Another black attacker of the tea party movement is Rep. Maxine Waters, who told her constituents: “This is a tough game. You can’t be intimidated. You can’t be frightened. And as far as I’m concerned, the tea party can go straight to hell.” “Let us all remember who the real enemy is. And the real enemy is the tea party,” reminded Rep. Frederica Wilson, D-Fla. The Rev. Jesse Jackson said the tea party should be called the “Fort Sumter tea party that sought to maintain states’ rights and slavery.” Rep. Alcee Hastings, D-Fla., in telling a job fair audience to register to vote, said, “Turn the tea party upside down!”

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David Yeagley Sues Thugs Who Shut Down 2010 AR Conference Reply

From American Renaissance.

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The American Renaissance conference planned for February 2010 had to be cancelled because three successive hotels that had agreed to host the conference were intimidated by “anti-fascist” thugs. We are pleased to learn that one of the speakers scheduled for the conference, David Yeagley, has filed suit against the “anti-fascists” on charges of conspiracy and tortious interference with contract.

It is high time that the shameless attacks on our right to assemble got the response they deserve. Joe Sibley of the Houston, Texas, firm of Camara and Sibley is lead counsel in the case.

David Yeagley, the great-great-grandson of the legendary Comanche chief Bad Eagle, has filed charges in Oklahoma state court against Jeffrey Imm, Daryl Lamont Jenkins, and several other “John Doe” defendants whose names will be added to the suit as their identities become known.

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Race Realism: The Tipping Point Reply

Article by Kevin MacDonald.

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A friend  and I were talking about Arthur Jensen–the psychologist who reignited the race and IQ debate with his 1969 paper “How Much Can We Boost IQ and Scholastic Achievement?” published in the Harvard Educational Review. My friend said that starting with that paper there had been a huge amount of supportive research published in reputable academic journals like Intelligence andPersonality and Individual Differences. There have also been major works like The Bell Curve that provoked a national discussion in newspapers and intellectual media. And there have been major works by J. Philippe Rushton and Richard Lynn published by academic presses.

The thrust of my friend’s comments was that it was just a matter of time before it becomes standard wisdom, informing all respectable discussions of the issue, even among politicians and the mainstream media.

But it doesn’t seem to work that way. When it comes to a politically charged issue like the changeability of IQ, there is no necessary gradual path from being out in the intellectual deserts to acceptance among media and political elites.

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The Clockwork Orange Dilemma! Riots, Reflections and Ramifications… Reply

Article by MRDA. The best analysis yet of the London riots.

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When folk get angry, why do they always piss on their own doorstep? Westminster is only a bus ride away.
– Tunnocks, Guardian Reader.

But this I counsel you, my friends: Mistrust all in whom the impulse to punish is powerful…And when they  call themselves the good and the just, do not forget that they would be pharisees, if only they had—power.

– Friedrich Nietzsche

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It took only two bullets to rupture the relative calm of a whole country…

…and,more than three weeks later, the wound remains sore and exposed.

However I won’t delve too deeply into the circumstances surrounding Mark Duggan’s fatal shooting by the Boys in Blue; nor those of the ensuing protest, two days later. Much remains to be clarified over those two occurrences: did Duggan unwittingly commit “suicide-by-cop”, or receive a summary execution ala Jean Charles de Menezes?  Did the police go on to batter a peaceful protestor, or a pugilist?  The little that has come to light hardly sheds any in return.

Still, I will spout off a few paragraphs concerning the now-infamous riots that springboarded off of those events…

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White Nationalists As The New Queers Reply

Article by Robert Weissberg.

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Here’s the insight: “white nationalism” has replaced homosexuality in America’s Pantheon of Horrific Sins. Just as adults once sought to protect children from homosexuals, who were assumed to be irrepressible child molesters, the great new fear is exposure to white “racists” who might corrupt impressionable youngsters by warning them about the dangers of diversity or, heaven forbid, teach them that race really does exist and that not all racial groups are equally talented.

Out with the old, in with the new. The headline of the article that got Frank fired could have been “Pervert Found Teaching Young Children”.

Not surprisingly, this incident occurred in a Catholic school. The nervous local Archbishop probably imagined future lawsuits in which adults would come forward with lurid tales of how Father Frank instilled racial hate and inflicted permanent psychological damage: “I still dread talking to African Americans and thus cannot get a job in today’s workforce. There could be yet more million-dollar settlements and parish bankruptcies.

All societies ensure social cohesion by establishing “official” sins and stigmatizing offenders. Sanctioned hate objects may be foreigners or unsavory subgroups, such as Gypsies, but front and center are moral strictures regarding good and evil. Moral orthodoxy is the essence of religion, and without strictures society is impossible.

To be sure, the sin catalogue varies from place to place and shifts over time.  As we all know, except among certain religious fundamentalists, homosexuality has gone from being a vile, legally punishable sin to a mere preference, even one celebrated by the New York Times.

This transformation is hardly atypical. Alcoholism, illegitimacy, sloth, promiscuity, gluttony, adultery, pre-marital sex, pornography, habitual mendacity, and fornication, to name just a few, have all been downgraded from grave moral violations to treatable illnesses or just harmless personal life choices. You can now buy books on how to masturbate. Some past unacceptable behaviors, such as public begging and public profanity, are now legally protected rights.

Our stock of moral offenses is declining, and social cohesion requires that we find new ones. Even in an age of moral relativism there must be something, something that indisputably offends the orthodoxy. And what better choice in today’s times of ethnic/racial turmoil than “white nationalism”, hate, and all their variants?

I do not exaggerate: to be accused of “white nationalism” or white “racism” is quickly becoming the equivalent of being charged with atheism in 16th century Europe or being a communist during the Cold War. It is the perfect candidate for demonization because “white nationalists” do not riot when persecuted, lack any powerful lobbying group that could get them included in the latest Hate Crime law, and never insist that school textbooks highlight their contributions to American history. Can you imagine a 9th grade US history textbook claiming that a “race realist” wrote the Declaration of Independence?  

This designation as a moral evil is full of consequences. Choices regarding policy permit rational debate. One can, for example, safely discuss tax policy; by contrast, debates over moral issues are emotional and are settled by a quick, “That’s just bad!”

Imagine someone trying to defend gay marriage in 1955? Such a person, no matter how plausible his arguments, would not only be judged wrong but mentally ill, a threat to society, or worse. Today, of course, the opposite is true in some settings.

It is not a question of bad information or incorrect analysis. Those who defend certified evils are bad people to the core, not just misinformed. Would you buy a used car from a white racist? Frank Borzellieri’s lack of respect for Martin Luther King, Jr. demonstrated an inability to teach black and Hispanic children. Those who doubt this “fact” have only to read his evil books. [VDARE.com note: Available from American Renaissance.] Once he was tagged a “racist”, Frank could have said that 2+2 equals 4, and many educators would disagree.

That today’s “white nationalists” are treated like homosexuals when homosexuality was a criminalized sin does, however, offer some useful parallels. Most depressingly, it means it is pointless to try to refute moral judgments with facts. It is the equivalent of bringing up the biological basis of homosexuality at a time when sodomy was a capital offense. Second, many “white nationalists” have to learn how to cover up, just as gays did. They may decorate their offices with multicultural books, or take a page from the anti-immigration, anti-Catholic Know Nothing Party of the mid-19th century: When asked about the party, members were told to say, “I know nothing”. It may also help to become a skilled liar and toss around false accusations of “racism” to demonstrate commitment to multiculturalism.

But even if you are outed, there is hope. Just admit that, “Yes, I am a white nationalist, a racist, even a white supremacist, but this is because my kindergarten teacher read American Renaissance and now I’m undergoing therapy, and my therapist says that in a few years I’ll be normal”.

Don’t laugh—this was the Catholic Church’s approach to homosexual priests who molested children: push them into therapy and then get a certificate certifying a cure. Counseling also rehabilitates Hollywood celebrities caught shoplifting or taking drugs.

It is essential to make confession, beg for forgiveness, and repent. No doubt, if Frank had apologized, gone into therapy, and confessed to Reverend Eric Rapaglia who hired him, he would be rehabilitated within a year. He would be back on the job, announcing that all of his students were going to Harvard.

Be optimistic. Perhaps in time white nationalists and racists will be able to hold teaching jobs. Some day they may even be able to marry, and their engagements will be prominently featured in the New York Times. And, naturally, people will be shocked to see how many of them come out of the closet.

The Straw Man of ‘Race’ Reply

Article by Jon Entine. Hat tip to MRDA.

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Summary:Genetic scientists who know better continue to utter such falsehoods as “there are no scientific differences between humans,” or “race has no biological reality.” The unrelenting attack on the straw man of race is an attempt to subordinate science to politics.


Branding evolution as racism is an old Creationist trick dating back to Charles Darwin’s time. It was Bishop of Oxford Samuel Wilberforce’s tactic in his infamous face off with British naturalist and evolution defender Thomas Huxley only months after the publication of On the Origins of Species. Wilberforce portrayed Darwin, variously, as snake-oil salesman, heretic, or fool for suggesting that humans “descended” from apes. Unintimidated by the bilious bishop, Huxley offered a wide-ranging rebuttal of Wilberforce’s invocation of a higher order:

… A man has no reason to be ashamed of having an ape for his grandfather. If there were an ancestor of whom I would feel shame in recalling, it would be a man, a man of restless and versatile intellect, who, not content with an equivocal success in his own sphere of activity, plunges into scientific questions with which he has not real acquaintance, only to obscure them by an aimless rhetoric, and distract the attention of his hearers from the real point at issue by eloquent digressions, and skilled appeals to religious prejudice.

Today, the science of genetics faces a far more sophisticated Creationist inspired attack, though this time the right is finding unnatural allies among the political left. In the United Sates earlier this year, the Louisiana House Education Subcommittee approved a resolution asserting, “Charles Darwin, the father of evolution, promoted the justification of racism” by ignoring “the commonalities of people groups.” Although the final measure approved by the full House took out direct references to Darwin, the intent remained. The twist to this assault on evolution is that proponents of the Human Genome Project, not the far right, inspired it.

The Louisiana folly (and similar legislative campaigns underway in at least a half dozen other states) can be traced to statements made last February by Francis Collins of the National Human Genome Research Project and Craig Venter of Celera Genomics. When these two distinguished scientists unveiled their crude early maps of the human genome last February, they went out of their way to emphasize the oft-stated belief that, in the words of Venter, “race has no genetic or scientific basis.”

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Anders Breivik, Mainstream Islamophobia, and the Far Right Reply

Article by Matthew Lyons.

This is a very good analysis of all the subtle ideological variations of the Right with regards their attitudes towards Islam.

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Anders Behring Breivik has been called a neonazi and a Christian fundamentalist. Both of these labels are misleading, although both contain elements of truth. Breivik is an Islamophobe and a right-wing conspiracy monger, but he does not promote Nazi-style Jew-hatred or call for imposing Biblical doctrines on society. His strongest political influences appear to be pro-Zionist, largely secular “counter-jihadists” who disavow traditional racism and maintain significant ties with political elites.

Understanding Breivik’s politics not only helps us understand the July 22 massacre in Norway for which he has accepted responsibility, but also highlights important trends and interconnections in right-wing politics in Europe, the U.S., and beyond. This is a difficult task given the size and complexity of Breivik’s 1,500-page manifesto/compilation 2083 – A European Declaration of Independence, not to mention his other writings. His work draws on many different political sources, which do not always agree with each other. For these reasons, any summation of Breivik’s politics at this point needs to be tentative. So far I have only read bits and pieces of Breivik’s writings and am relying here primarily on others’ excerpts and interpretations. I hope that my efforts to pull the pieces together are useful.

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Tolerance: Not a Two-Way Street? Reply

Article by Jim Goad.

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The rabidly politicized, mad-as-hell, accept-us-or-die quotient of gay Americans—at last count, somewhere between 97 to 99 percent of them—seem determined to prove that they can get just as offended as your average hillbilly breeder mountaineer, if not more so.

It’s as if they’re taking it to the streets, up into the hills, and down into the hollers to spread a simple message—“You think you can get offended, you stupid, hateful, one-toothed, inbred, Christ-worshiping rednecks? You ain’t seen an uptight bunch of whiny wah-wah emotionally retarded walking fetuses until you’ve tangled with us!”

Exhibit A: The highly publicized story of butch cunnilinguists Jennifer Tipton and Olivier Odom, the latter of whom on Tuesday apparently didn’t deem it an act of cultural provocation to attend Dolly Parton’s Dollywood Splash Country up in the generally Christian, generally conservative, generally heterosexual Appalachian Mountains while clad in a “[marriage is so gay]” sleeveless T-shirt that showcased Odom’s rippling biceps and tribal forearm tattoo.

At the entrance, a park official requested that Odom turn his her T-shirt inside-out in compliance with a park policy that bans potentially “offensive” apparel and body adornments. Odom complied, then filed a complaint with the park, and then apparently went crying to a receptive and empathetic press. Her partner Jennifer Tipton, whose voice isn’t nearly as deep nor her hair quite as short, said she found it “so offensive” that park officials found Odom’s muscle shirt so offensive. She also accused Splash Country of hypocrisy for not banning “rebel flags” and “offensive tattoos” among its other patrons.

“Clearly, offensiveness is in the eye of the beholder. So is the concept of whether acting like a barbarian when in Rome makes one an asshole.”

Between Thought and Action in Norway Reply

Article by Jim Goad.

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When I first read Ted Kaczynski’s Industrial Society and its Future, better known as The Unabomber Manifesto, I was impressed with how logically dispassionate it was, especially its devastating dissection of leftist masochism and hostility. Each paragraph—sequentially numbered as if they were biblical verses—built upon the previous one with mathematical precision, and I found myself nodding along with Kaczynski’s premise that technology was potentially the biggest threat to personal freedom in world history.

And then, walking placidly through all that ice-cold logic, I stubbed my toe on this line: “In order to get our message before the public with some chance of making a lasting impression, we’ve had to kill people.”

A Norwegian police officer who assisted in Friday’s arrest of Anders Behring Breivik described Breivik’s demeanor as “cold as ice,” an especially disquieting observation when one considers he was talking about a man who’d just claimed the Spree Killing World Record by piling up at least 76 bodies—eight via a fertilizer car bomb in downtown Oslo and 68 using automatic weapons at a Labour Party youth camp on Utøya Island.

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Gottfried on Mencken 4

Paul Gottfried on the figure from American history hated by neocons and liberals alike.

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The Irrepressible Mencken HL Mencken celebrates the end of Prohibition.

Recently I’ve been thinking about someone whose name is attached to an organization I’m currently president of, H.L. Mencken (1880-1956). For years I’ve tried to understand why the Baltimore Sage has been branded, mostly recently in The Weekly Standard (see here and here) and in a voluminous biography by Terry Teachout, as anti-Semitic and anti-Black. The closest I could come to documenting these charges is that Mencken joked in his diary about the bad table manners of an obviously Jewish diner in a club that he frequented. He also said in a moment of levity that “an anti-Semite is someone who dislikes Jews more than is absolutely necessary.” This, as everybody who knew him was aware of, was a quip that Murray Rothbard was fond of repeating.

As for Mencken’s supposed revulsion for Blacks, I can’t find any evidence of it, although he may not have used “African-American,” or whatever is the now fashionable PC term in referring to the minority in question. We know that Mencken criticized segregation in his native city of Baltimore. He also never tired of attacking lower class White Southerners of the kind who wanted to keep Blacks segregated. Indeed if I were going after Mencken for his intolerance, I would have to notice his invectives against Southern Fundamentalists rather than his scattered, insignificant jokes about Jews and Blacks. That said, however, White Southerners don’t count as victims in their own eyes or in anyone else’s. In fact their politicians and journalists seem quite happy to view them as onetime racial victimizers, who were redeemed by civil rights legislation.

In any case, it seems to me that the recent attacks on Mencken have nothing to do with his prejudices. Liberals and neocons hate him for taking stands that don’t have much to do with the accusations made against him. One, Mencken opposed America’s entry into both World Wars, and during the First World War, he was expressly pro-German. (He was after all a German-American.) His predilection for the Central Powers in 1914 elicited a bitter tirade from Fred Siegel in (where else?) The Weekly Standard (January 30, 2006), a screed that charges the “horrid” Mencken with being a lifelong enemy of democracy and decency. Supposedly Mencken’s fondness for Nietzsche (about whom he produced a not very useful or scholarly biography) shows for all to see that he worshipped the “will to power” and saw this incarnated in the Teutonic enemy of Anglo-American democratic civilization. Someone who took such reprehensible positions in foreign affairs, we have to infer from Siegel’s remarks, must also have been against Jews, who represent all that is good and radiant in the West and (lest we forget) Israel.

Two, Mencken expressed anti-egalitarian views that are now unfashionable, and he never missed a chance to cast ridicule on the democratic welfare state. There are more than a few of Mencken’s unseasonable remarks that would cause blood to surge to the head of David Brooks, the New York Times’s “resident conservative,” who has just written about “national greatness” and the role to be assigned to the federal welfare state in making us all “great”: the most famous are “Democracy is the theory that the common people know what they want and deserve to get it good and hard” and “every decent man is ashamed of the government he lives under.” And how about this one for the fans of public administration: “I believe all government is evil and that trying to improve it is a waste of time.” And this for the devotees of judicial activism: “A judge is a law student who grades his own examination papers.”

Not all politically incorrect figures have suffered humiliation at the hands of our academics and journalists. For example, the Progressive Democrat Woodrow Wilson, who helped build the foundations of our gargantuan administrative state and advocated a “crusade to make the world safe for democracy,” is given a fairly wide berth, despite the facts that he kicked Blacks out of the civil service and promoted “scientific racism.” And if Wilson, whom Mencken despised, railed against Jews, that too was forgivable. After all, didn’t Wilson agree to a Jewish political entity in the Middle East, while making war on the Germans and Austrians, who were later ruled by Hitler?

Moreover, it hardly seems that the “Great Emancipator” qualifies as the racial egalitarian that he is now depicted as. That honor devolved on our 16th president because he freed slaves in seceded states, as a military measure. And then many decades later Lincoln became identified with a civil rights movement that represented positions that were not at all his. But Mencken was not as useful as Lincoln or Wilson. He did not write or do much that would please our present rulers. Except for his rants against Christianity, this satirist did not leave behind the sorts of slogans that would suggest that he was politically progressive. In fact, if Mencken had gotten what he wanted, most of our political class would lose their public financing and be forced to become gainfully employed.

A Reply to Matthew Lyons, Part Two: The Subjectivity of Authoritarianism and Special Pleading as Ideology 28

This is the second in a series of essays in response to Matthew Lyons’ critique “Rising Above the Herd: Keith Preston’s Authoritarian Anti-Statism.” And here is the transcript of a recent lecture by Lyons where yours truly gets a couple of mentions. Part One may be viewed here.

by Keith Preston

“If the individual cannot get along with the community, and the community cannot tolerate the individual, what real good will state intervention produce—wouldn’t separation be, in any world, the rational, noncoercive, nonviolent solution? Yes, it might be possible to contrive a state process that would force a Jewish Community to accept the Nazi Individual, or a White Community the despised Black, or a Fundamentalist Community the threatening Atheist. But it needs only for the principle of free travel to be observed—to the advantage of both the leavers and the stayers—and the Nazi, the Black, the Atheist can all find congenial communities of their own. The virtue of a multi-communitied world would be precisely that there would be within its multitude of varieties a home for everyone.”

Kirkpatrick Sale

“Adolf Hitler as chancellor of Germany is a horror; Adolf Hitler at a town meeting would be an asshole.”

–Karl Hess

“When a previously disadvantaged group rises to power, it exploits its new position just as did the group or groups it has displaced.”

-Mark A. Schneider, American sociologist

“The ultimate aim of multiculturalism is the creation of a totalitarian state ordered as a type of caste system where individual privilege is assigned on the basis of group identity and group privilege is assigned on the basis of the position of the group in the pantheon of the oppressed.”

-Keith Preston

The core aspects of Lyons’ objections to my own outlook are fairly well summarized in the following passages from his critique, and these comments from Lyons are also fairly representative of the most common arguments against my views offered by Leftists:

Preston only acknowledges oppression along lines of race, gender, sexuality, or other factors to the extent that these are directly promoted by the state, particularly through formal, legal discrimination against specific groups of people. Arguing that “the state is a unique force for destruction,” Preston ignores or trivializes the dense network of oppressive institutions and relationships that exist outside of, and sometimes in opposition to, the state. It is these societally based systems of oppression, not state intervention, that perpetuate dramatic wealth disparities between whites and people of color, widespread domestic violence that overwhelmingly target women, and suicide rates much higher among LGBT teens than heterosexual teens, among many other examples.

Preston portrays secession as a voluntary process, in which many varied groups of people decide to go their own separate ways and coexist peaceably side by side. But what does “voluntary” mean in a context where wives are expected to submit to the authority of their husbands, workers to obey their bosses, or homosexuality is regarded as a perversion and a crime? And how long would peaceable coexistence last in the face of absolutist ideologies that are inherently expansionist? The leaders of a Christian Right statelet would believe that homosexuality and feminism are wrong not only within the statelet’s borders, but everywhere, and they would feel a religious duty to enforce this belief as widely as possible.

The bottom line is that the primary objection to anarcho-pluralism, pan-secessionism, national-anarchism, anarcho-libertarianism and overlapping perspectives raised by leftists such as Lyons is their fear that some individuals, institutions, organizations, or communities is such a meta-political framework will practice values disapproved of by leftists or engage in discrimination against groups favored by leftists. The selective and arbitrary nature of such criticism is easy enough to identify. Imagine if a right-wing critic of anarcho-pluralism were to make comments such as the following:

Preston only acknowledges oppression resulting from liberalism and the Left to the extent that these are directly promoted by the state, particularly through formal, legal discrimination against specific groups of people. Arguing that “the state is a unique force for destruction,” Preston ignores or trivializes the dense network of oppressive institutions and relationships that exist outside of, and sometimes in opposition to, the state. It is these societally based systems of oppression, not state intervention, that perpetuate dramatic disparities in  the rate of violent crimes perpetrated against whites by blacks and Hispanics, widespread dissemination of pornography that contributes to sex crimes and social decay, and the promotion of drug use, sexual promiscuity and homosexuality leading to teen pregnancy, illegitimacy, drug abuse, broken families, child neglect, venereal diseases, crime, welfare dependency and other social pathologies .

Preston portrays secession as a voluntary process, in which many varied groups of people decide to go their own separate ways and coexist peaceably side by side. But what does “voluntary” mean in a context where leftist localities have the option of banning private firearms and private property, where urban white families have to live among and send their children to schools with violent black youth, or where Christianity is regarded as a backward superstition and a dangerous threat to freedom and progress? And how long would peaceable coexistence last in the face of absolutist ideologies that are inherently expansionist? The leaders of a Marxist statelet would believe that Christianity and private property are wrong not only within the statelet’s borders, but everywhere, and they would feel an ideological duty to enforce this belief as widely as possible.

Such criticisms would correctly be dismissed as special pleading on behalf of right-wing ideological values, political interest groups and favorite causes. One of the principal ideas behind anarcho-pluralism is the recognition that irreconcilable differences between different political factions and population groups will always exist, and the need to establish societal institutions that are capable of accommodating such differences in a way that avoids both bloodshed and the subjugation of some groups by others. With regards to the “authoritarianism” question, it is necessary to point out that abstract notions like “freedom,” “liberty,” and so forth are understood in radically different ways by different kinds of people. Lyons gives no evidence that his own ideological preferences are somehow decreed by the cosmos, by some divine creator, or by natural law. The bottom line is that the political and social preferences of leftists like Lyons reflect the subjective value judgments of individuals and groups in the same manner as any other kind of assertion of ideological principles. Leftism is ultimately just another tribe like Christianity, Islam, fascism, libertarianism, Satanism, or veganism.

The selectivity of Lyons’ criticisms is further illustrated by his choice of which groups to attack from the list of potential constituents for anarcho-pluralism that I have identified. He focuses on three of these: the League of the South, Christian Exodus, and believers in Christian Identity. He chooses not offer any criticism of “Marxist-Leninists,” “Islamic rightists,” “people of color nationalist movements,” “militant environmentalists,” and so forth. It is only those tendencies that claim to speak for the interests of white Christians that he seems particularly concerned about. This raises the question of whether it is really “authoritarianism” that Lyons is worried about or whether it is merely white Christians as a general population group whom he regards as the problem with political “authoritarianism” not really being all that important if it is controlled by leftists and their allies or constituents.

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Left and Right Contrasted: A Reply to Larry Gambone 4

I recently commented on Larry Gambone’s explanation for “conservative support among ordinary people.” See the earlier post which includes a link to Larry’s initial comments. Larry’s critique of the Right provoked a lot of negative comments from our readers, even among those who lean leftward in many ways. I was actually somewhat surprised by that. Larry has since added some follow up comments to his original post, in particular a response to our colleague Quagmire. Read the thread here. Here are some observations of my own in reply to some of Larry’s arguments:

Working people have been under attack from right-wing and right-wing ideology-influenced governments for the past 30 years. Living standards and working conditions have declined because of this.

No disagreement here. Neoliberalism is a class war against the bottom layers.

Right-wingers don’t believe in freedom from the government, they are hypocrites in this regard. State capitalism is fine as long as it serves THEIR interests. The biggest aspect of out of control government spending is the military, but they are not for cutting that. The biggest form of government interference on the populace has to do with the War For Drugs, they are not for abolishing this and ceasing to treat addiction as a crime. The contrary here in Canada, they wish to do away with the previous government’s baby steps toward a rational policy re drugs.

This is certainly true of the mainstream neocon-led, Republican-oriented Right. I’ve written a substantial amount of material over the years attacking all of this. But these criticisms do not necessarily apply to all factions of the Right. There are plenty of dissident rightists-libertarians, palecons, alternative rightists-who oppose some or all of these.

The left does not wish to force people to have an abortion, or to make everyone smoke pot, nor does it try to stuff religion down everyones throat – but the right does.

I’ve encountered plenty of liberals and leftists, at least in the U.S., who support drug prohibition, though I agree such sentiments are more prevalent among “conservatives.” But it’s also true that liberals and leftists have plenty of statist preferences of their own. They may favor legal abortion, but they want to ban private firearms. Many of them wish to ban smoking in pubs and other forms of statist intrusiveness. In areas of the US that are the most leftward leaning, there have been efforts to ban foods not conforming to the therapeutic values of the Left. San Francisco tried to enact a ban on giving away toys with fast food. There are plenty of feminists who wish to censor pornography and criminalize sex workers or their clients. There are plenty of leftists who wish to ban literature or other forms of media deemed racist or sexist. In areas of the US where secularism is the strongest, children can be punished in school for saying a prayer before a meal or possessing a Bible, crucifix or other religious artifacts.

Jemmy Hope said: And they have Fox News and the rest of Murdoch’s propaganda machine to do it. What have we got? Money talks, spouts lies.

Neocon mouthpieces like FOX and talk radio are a minority  among the mainstream US media. The bulk of the American media reflects the standard corporate liberal outlook, e.g. CNN, MSNBC, ABC, CBS, NBC, etc.

Take the economic effects of immigration – they are minimal and if people were really interested in having people stay home rather than immigrate they would be front and centre in helping to overcome the problems that cause the immigration in the first place.

If the economic effects of mass immigration are minimal, why do neoliberal mouthpieces like the Wall Street Journal push open borders so fervently? Mass immigration is about creating a helot class in North America that replaces the traditional working class in the emerging Brasillianized/McDonaldized economy. The Left goes along with this because they see immigrants as prospective political constituents and  allies in the culture/race war.

Where are the right-wingers fighting against NAFTA or the US meddling in the affairs of Mexico and Central America? No, they blame and attack the immigrants instead.

Again, that’s true of the mainstream Right, not necessarily the dissident Right. I’ve been attacking corporate imperialism and US military interventionism for twenty-five years.

As for abortion, the anti-abortion types cry copiously over a match-head size fetus, but 20,000,000 REAL children dying every year of malnutrition and lack of potable water?

That’s true of some pro-lifers, but not all. You find a greater interest in “social justice,” for lack of a better term, among younger pro-lifers and evangelical Christians, for instance.

And it IS sexism to deny a woman’s right to chose. If anti-abortionists were only against abortions for themselves, no one would complain, yet they wish to impose their views on other women. Also the anti-abortionist ideology stems from patriarchal religion, which by its very nature is misogynist.

The problem with this is that there are plenty of women, probably as many as there are men, in the pro-life movement. And conservative religious denominations, at least in the US, typically have more female participants than male ones.

In other words, even though some leftists might be a bit extreme with these claims from time to time, in general the analysis bears up, and thus the left is rational and the right based upon prejudice and fear.

That’s a fairly presumptuous statement. What about the lengthy history of bloody terrorism and repression sponsored by leftist movements and regimes?

The left has been successful in changing the language, but not necessarily the underlying feelings. At one time people were proud to declare themselves racists and spiced their conversation with racial and ethnic slurs. Same goes with women or gays. Few men would declare that women are inferior or that gays are criminal and should be persecuted.

Well, nowadays people can be criminally prosecuted for criticizing Islam or homosexuality. So things have come full circle. In a nation where only 13% of the population is black, a black man was elected head of state. That would have been unthinkable back in the 1950s. The bottom line is that the culture war is over, and the Left has scored a knock out victory.

One attempts to cover ones prejudices with seeming rational or moral claims. Code words are used, such as “crime”, which refers to Blacks. It now becomes the task of the critical thinker to extricate the prejudice from within the mass of polite verbiage and supposed economic and moral reasons.

In some instances, but violent street crime among minority groups is a genuinely serious problem in US society. It’s not just racist whites who are concerned about this. Blacks and other racial minorities are among the primary victims of this kind of crime. For instance, many blacks who wish to live in a white neighborhood will cite fear of crime in black neighborhoods as their motivation.

A standard principle of conflict theory is that former outgroups become just as abusive and oppressive as whatever they replaced upon gaining power. We’re seeing that now with the Left that has gained power since the 60s, 70s, and 80s.

Asserting Taste As Truth Reply

From MRDA’s Inferno.
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Now, I don’t deny that certain faces ‘n’ figures elicit more—sometimes many more—raised cocks and/or moistened cunts than others; neither will I contest that some folks inspire forlorn gazes and filthy fantasies wherever on the globe they go.

However such popularity, even on a universal scale, differs considerably from the chimerical “objectivity” Kanazawa pulls out of his arse.

Does the overwhelming popularity of chart-oriented pop across age groups and nations render it “objectively” superior to heavy metal? The blues? Opera? Classical?

As far as the printed page goes, do the superior sales of Heat magazine, tabloids, Twilight novels, and Dan Brown books make them more “objectively” pleasurable and worthwhile reads than the works of Stirner, Nietzsche, the Marquis De Sade, and Robert Anton Wilson?

I expect a connoisseur of said popular tastes would take issue with my choices, substituting “critical acclaim” and “influence” for “popularity” and “sales” in their counterarguments.

As the old adage goes: there’s no accounting for taste.

However, from reading his article, I see Kanazawa repeating the same error/deception with aesthetics that religious and secular moralists love to indulge in the ethical realm: asserting taste as Truth.

Jared Taylor’s White Identity 14

Review by Greg Johnson.
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Reading through Jared Taylor’s splendid new book White Identity, I found myself thinking again and again of Allan Bloom’s 1987 book The Closing of the American Mind: How Higher Education has Failed Democracy and Impoverished the Souls of Today’s Students. In content, the books could hardly be more different, even though both take aim at reigning liberal illusions. But The Closing of the American Mind surprised everyone by becoming a best-seller, in spite of its intellectually challenging style and serious, politically incorrect message. White Identity is a similarly weighty and sobering book, and if America has any hope of survival, it should enjoy a similar popularity.

The aim of White Identity is to convince intelligent whites that racial “integration” and “diversity” are not sources of strength and enrichment but of inevitable conflict and suffering, because racial consciousness and preferring one’s own race over others are rooted in human nature. Thus they cannot be eradicated, and they can be ignored only at one’s own risk. Whites, however, have made a cult of ignoring and suppressing their racial consciousness, based on the belief that white “racism” (and only white racism) is the source of racial conflict and the suffering and backwardness of other races. Thus the eradication of white racism (and only white racism) will be sufficient to create a society in which all the different races and cultures can mingle in an atmosphere of tolerance and harmony.

Taylor’s audience and source materials are primarily American, but his lessons apply to all white nations where such notions have become prevalent since the Second World War.

On Saving America from the Horrors of Liberty and Community 10

“Preston’s vision emphasizes individuals choosing the communities they want and not bothering other people…”

A “watchdog” critic from the Left wants to save America from such a horrifying fate.  Read the whole thing at the New Politics site.

This critique by Lyons is actually quite good, and is light years ahead of previous efforts by leftists to critique my own work. I get the impression he is making an honest, serious, and intelligent effort to understand my own views and interpret them correctly. This is considerably different from the usual habit of my critics of either misrepresenting my work in a seemingly deliberate manner, or of simply lacking the level of skill, knowledge, or ability required to interpret my work correctly. There are not many actual quibbles I would have with this piece regarding facts alone, ideological differences aside. I do see some problems with matters of focus, emphasis, or proportionality. These problems affect the “big picture” analysis of my work by zeroing in on peripheral matters that are inconsequential to the most substantive aspects of my work. Lyons’ interpretation of the broader philosophical framework I adhere to is a bit crude, and he greatly oversimplifies some of my economic views. There are a few seeming contradictions in places. But all in all, it’s a good effort. I’ll have a thorough reply forthcoming relatively soon.

Voting as a Sacrament in the State Religion Reply

Article by MRDA.
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For all the time Minchin spends ripping into religion, it’s tragicomic to see him endorsing one of his own; then again, it seems part and parcel of his sociopolitical outlook: supposedly irreligious Leftists haven’t disposed with God—simply replaced him. Why go to church when you can pop to the polling station, instead?

His obsession with ‘civic duty’, coupled with his evangelistic rhetoric (“Democracy require all voices.”), marks Minchin as a firm ‘n’ true believin’ democratard…

…and his enthusiastic endorsement of forcing the citizenry to the electoral Eucharist elevates (?) him to the status of democraturd.

Facebook friend, and Minchin’s fellow countryman, Schoma offers up an explanation for Tim’s turdiness…

I’ll bet his only reason is that he’s Australian, he’s grown up with compulsory voting and, just at a guess, he draws a false correlation between this country’s relatively good living standards/freedoms and compulsory voting.

…which sounds like the common fallacy amongst Western folk to equate democracy with civil liberty, even in instances where the former blatantly runs roughshod over the latter. A glance at how the non-Western world does democracy would surely be a bitchslap to their conceited conceptions; as Mupetblast said about the 2009 Iranian elections…

The vast majority of Iranian respondents, across the income spectrum (wherein higher income is associated with higher education), thought that abortion was never justifiable; that homosexuality was never justifiable; and that “men should have more right to job than women.”

In sum, what is it that Facebook fans of the Iranian uprising think will happen over there if their pleas are successful? … It seems to me that a perception that liberal, youthful, lovers of substantive freedom and a progressive ethos are up against a stodgy reactionary establishment is what motivates this enthusiasm. But if in fact the people they are supporting are even less liberal in orientation than a right-wing Republican (ooh, double shot!), and it appears that this is the case, what’s to get so excited about?

But then again, for a Western nation, Australia hasn’t been doing so well at the civil liberties itself, has it? With its overreaching defamation laws; proposed internet censorship; bans on porn, videogames, and suicide literature; and this-here elephant in the room known as compulsory voting, the nation of Oz sounds almost like an open-air version of its fictional “correctional facility” namesake.

It’s understandable how being raised in such a culture might contribute to moulding a mindset like Minchin’s…

…yet it doesn’t change the fact that ‘liberal’ remains a downright deceptive description of those who would subscribe to it.

Red Guards on Tofu Reply

My most recent column at Alternative Right. I analyze the stormtroopers on granola.
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The ultimate outcome of totalitarian humanism taken to its logical conclusion would be a totalitarian state organized as a kind of caste system whereby individual rights are assigned on the basis of group identity and group rights are assigned on the basis of the position of the group in the pantheon of the oppressed or on the victimological family tree.

Given these considerations, it might be apt to compare our present day lefto-fascist, stormtroopers-on-granola with the Red Guards of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The Red Guards were, of course, bands of youthful vigilantes who scurried about China during the 1960s smashing up cultural artifacts deemed “old” (e.g. conservative, traditional) and engaging in vigilante violence against persons deemed “reactionary” (mostly dissident intellectuals and those labeled “bourgeois” or originating from politically incorrect cultural or class backgrounds.) We see a similar though milder version of this today in the West today with attacks on expressions of traditional culture (like Christmas celebrations), historical artifacts considered to be reactionary (like Confederate Civil War monuments or streets named after Confederate generals), and vigilante actions against people given labels like “racist,” “fascist,” “sexist,” or “classist.”

I suspect that these “antifa” types, these Red Guards-on-tofu, would be every bit as murderous and destructive if the authorities would sanction it, as Chairman Mao did during the Cultural Revolution. We’ve seen hints at this already with the nonchalant attitude of the authorities towards threats of murder and arson against innocent people made by the Antifa in response to American Renaissance’s planned gathering in 2010. Plenty of other incidents have occurred where destructive or violent behavior by those claiming to act in the name of noble causes like “anti-racism” and “anti-fascism” have been overlooked or dealt with leniently by authorities convinced of the purity of their motives or restrained by political pressure.

The great irony presented by the Antifa is that despite all of their posturing as radicals and revolutionaries, they’re essentially doing the establishment’s bidding. The attitudes they subscribe to are not fundamentally different from those of the liberal elite overlords of the wider society. The Red Guards-on-tofu are simply a smellier, more ill-mannered, undisciplined, more in-a-hurry version of the liberal establishment itself. Wouldn’t it be an even greater irony if indeed the growing counterculture of the alternative right were to grow into a large influential movement as the leftist counterculture and antiwar movements did in the 1960s, with the Antifa and their ilk assuming the role of the “hardhats”?

Sex and the Shibboleth Reply

Article by MRDA.
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A week or three back, a Guardian article on gerontophiliac serial rapist Delroy Grant came to my attention (hat-tip to my Facefuck friend, Miss TC); written by the uniquely monikered Hadley Freeman, the article, titled “Rape is not a compliment”, employs binary thinking and a few other fallacies in the service of the following argument:

Once again, in the case of Delroy Grant, the public seems unable to accept the idea that rape has nothing to do with desirability.

Rolling my eyes, I remembered the ever so popular slab of sloganeering her argument alluded to:

Rape is not about sex: it’s about power.

So succinct.

So snappy.

So stupid.

At least if we’re talking about the prime motive of the perpetrator.

However, as ridiculous as I find the “Rape…power” shibboleth, I think I understand how it came to be and why people so frequently and fervently throw it around. No one (beyond some kinky fucker or two, perhaps) enjoys being thwarted and overpowered; no one enjoys having their wishes ignored; their will overridden; or being used and discarded like cheap loo roll. All such experiences, however, will be painfully and intimately familiar to a victim of violation.

Thinking About Murder and Suicide, Part One Reply

by Keith Preston

The title of this review essay may well serve to get my name placed in yet another official file somewhere, but two works recently published by Andy Nowicki, a Catholic traditionalist author and one of my colleagues at AlternativeRight.Com, prompts one to give a little thought to these two literal matters of life and death. The first of these is a work that was issued in 2009 titled Considering Suicide. This work was previously reviewed by my colleague “MRDA” from AttacktheSystem.Com, and MRDA says much of what I would likewise be inclined to say about this book. MRDA and I share a similar philosophical outlook in that we largely embrace the Nietzschean nihilism that traditionalists despair of and simultaneously cannot help but appreciate the penetrating irreverence of the attacks offered by traditionalists like Nowicki on the pieties of the faithful worshippers in the church of the postmodern Left.

Nowicki’s novella is essentially an effort to answer Albert Camus’s suggestion that the most profound philosophical question is whether one should or should not commit suicide. In other words, is life worth the trouble of bothering to live it? The book has two parts. The first half contains the fictional diaries of a man contemplating his own upcoming suicide and his observations about the world of post-modernity. It is a world he ultimately rejects to the point of taking his own life. As MRDA and other reviewers have pointed out, there is some remarkably frank language in this work considering that its message is an appeal to faith. One thing that is remarkably refreshing about traditionalists like Nowicki is their recognition that the self-styled social and political rebels among the ranks of the piously politically correct are rebels in their own minds only. Nowicki’s soon to be suicide “victim” offers the following observation of the present day intellectual elite:

Is this what those highfalutin’ faggots mean when they talk about “postmodernism”? What a fucking bore. To them, it’s just parlor talk. A way to score in academia. A way to show yourself to be a thoughtful person. Faggot poseurs with goatees and black sweaters and cushy jobs sitting in an office jacking off during “office hours” and teaching useless beer-swilling bong-smoking brats another two hours a week. Faggot intellectuals. Smug, mediocre pussies. Fuck your postmodern ethos, with your futuristic architecture at your galleries and your unreadable academic essays about “semio” this and “meta” that. Fuck your trendy post-structuralist, solipsistic, opportunistic, sycophantic so-called theories. You all think you’re wild-eyed nihilists out to stick your dicks up the asses of Middle America, don’t you? You’re pathetic. You’re far more pathetic than the bourgeosie, the object of your ridicule. Their lives may be dull, and they may be stupid, but they aren’t full of themselves the way you are.

One has to admire a writer who boldly throws around the two “F-words” most likely to get bleeped on American network television. Conservatives are offended by one and liberals are offended by the other, so I of course prefer to see an avalanche of both terms in popular media and common language. Nowicki may be a devout Christian of the Catholic persuasion, but he panders to no one’s sensitivities whether puritanical religionists or equally puritanically secular egalitarians. Of the latter group, the future suicide says:

So “God is Not a Republican,” as you like to lecture us via your bumper stickers. Guess what, He ain’t a Democrat either; He’s nothing. He’s not on the side of your enemies, but He’s not on your side either; please don’t bother trying to find Him-He’s not there! So “Hate is Not a Family Value,” you declare, again via the rear of your fancy foreign cars. Well, dig this, hepcats, fudge-packing is not a noble endeavor either. If God doesn’t hate fags, He doesn’t stand in solidarity with cornholing, cunt-shunning, HIV-chasing, limpwristers either. God’s not going to help the fruits turned into vegetables thanks to the miracle of AIDS. He doesn’t care about you; He’s not around; He’s not your buddy; He’s not secretly and ironically your cultural ally against those close-minded meanies from Middle America who invoke His name while all the while hating you, boo hoo. God doesn’t care about them, but He cares even less about you. You have to exist to care and He just ain’t there. Face the music of your trendy nihilism, you smug, angry, little clones. Suck down your own HIV-positive spooge. Shut up and die.

And of modern egalitarian ideologies, the character remarks:

Where everyone invokes “the people,” in order to show how egalitarian and enlightened their thinking is-as if “the people” give a fuck. As if “the people” were a proper object of admiration-those drooling masses who sit around reading People magazine, watching reality TV and doing what they’re told; or worse, those drooling shitbrained elitist intellectuals, who sit around reading the Jew York Times and listening to NPR, and…doing what they’re told.

These magnificently Jim Goadian lines are as refreshingly close to blasphemy as one can get in a secular state with a prevailing secular ethos. Bravo!

In the second part of the book, Nowicki provides a very contemplative account of his own worldview, informed as it is by his Catholic traditionalist faith. I am often asked how I as an anarchist, atheist, and libertarian socialist with a Nietzschean philosophical bent, an admirer of Bakunin and H.L. Mencken and Bertrand Russell, can find so much of value in the works of reactionaries and anti-modernists ranging from traditionalists like Nowicki to old-school monarchists to the conservative revolutionaries of Weimar to even the writings of Islamists. I approach such works with appreciation or even enthusiasm as none are so adept at exposing the hypocrisies and idiocies of modern liberals than those reject who their values across the board. Consider the following gem concerning the “War on Hate”:

Of all bootless modern crusades, this “war” is perhaps the most pernicious because crusaders for “tolerance” are the most vicious and the most disingenuous of all cultural revolutionists. No one hates the way hate-haters hate; no one is more dishonest about his intentions or in his overall self-representation than one who loudly proclaims that his goal is to rid the world of “hate.” Those who profess to hate “hate,” who cannot tolerate “intolerance,” seem capable of anything. More on point, they are capable of justifying anything. If they are harsh, shrill, and mean, if they make accusations or commit outrageous slanders, if they ruin or destroy lives, they feel no shame or guilt. After all, even if they go too far sometimes or make mistakes, they can fall back on the noble crutch. Their hearts are in the right place. “We only want to stamp out hate!” they scream.

Of the nature of modern tyranny, Nowicki observes:

The tyrant need not be a disagreeable or unpopular person. Indeed, he may enjoy the support of the vast majority of the population. Most tyrants are not hated, but adored. After all, the tyrant had to have done something good for somebody in order to reach a position of ultimate power. Julius Caesar is said to have been fondly regarded by the commoners. This is unsurprising. The ascent of tyrants is nurtured through careful appeal to the resentments of the lower classes.

I cannot abide Nowicki’s conclusion that an embrace of traditional faith is the answer to the “question” posed by modern nihilism. Either Christianity is true or it is not. Every advancement in human knowledge and discovery over the past five centuries has detracted from the classical Christian worldview of the medieval era. Christians claim that all religions but one are false. We atheists agree with the first part of this but add one more religion to the list of those that are untrue. As for myself, I think that the Greeks had it right: If anything comes close to being a true religion, it is philosophy itself. When we look at the magnificent civilization created by our forebears from antiquity, why would we think we need anything more? Human beings engaged in cultural, military, religious, intellectual, athletic, scientific, artistic, philanthropic and other such pursuits long before Abrahamic monotheism came to dominate Western civilization. We will continue to do so even if the Abrahamic faiths eventually become no more than a distant memory, like the gods of Olympus.

Does the “crisis of faith” presented to modern people by the eclipsing of traditional Christianity by modernity really present any more intellectual or cultural challenges than those faced by the great thinkers of the classical world? For them, mankind was the measure of all things, and the civilization they established was decimated in part by the ascension to political and cultural dominance of the view of the Abrahamic faiths that mankind exists merely to function as slaves to a divine Other. Nowicki raises an interesting point regarding the seeming inability of modern people to sacrifice for anything beyond themselves. We may look around us in our Western nations and observe a population of slobs but it doesn’t have to be that way and, indeed, it wasn’t that way only a couple of generations ago. If the realization that one is the measure of all things is not reason enough for the embrace of life, then what would be? And if the pagan warrior ethos of an Ernst Junger is not an example of self-overcoming, an ethos where one finds self-actualization in mortal combat, then what would be? Nihilism may be a state of existence imposed on us by modern man’s discovery of the truth that there is no truth, at least with regard to the question of values, but despair is simply a state of mind. Those who despair about the ambiguity of the moral condition of modern man do so because that is what they choose for themselves. Yet some of us may indeed choose to boldly and courageously embrace the challenges presented by that ambiguity. That will be our choice.

But enough about suicide. Let’s think a bit about murder….Stayed tuned for Part Two