Keith Preston: US using anti-Semitism excuse to cover up growing opposition to Israel Reply

Press TV. Listen here.

Forces within the US government are using anti-Semitism as an excuse to cover up growing opposition among university students to Israel’s occupation of Palestinian lands, says Virginia-based analyst Keith Preston.

Israeli researchers at Tel Aviv University said Sunday that anti-Semitic incidents on US college campuses, mostly in the form of insults and harassment of Jewish students, increased 45 percent in 2016.

Overall, the number of violent anti-Semitic incidents in the United States rose slightly last year, compared to 2015, increasing from 88 to 91, the report found.

The report comes following a recent wave of bomb threats against Jewish community centers across the United States and in Canada.

Political scientists and academics have argued that supporters of Israel equate criticism of Zionism and Israel with anti-Semitism in a deliberate attempt to discredit critics and prevent legitimate criticism of Israel.

Preston, director of attackthesystem.com, told Press TV that there was “very limited evidence” of growing anti-Semitic sentiments on college campuses across the US and people who made such claims were providing a “dubious” explanation of what they consider anti-Semitism.

“What they seem to be objecting to is what they perceive as anti-Israel sentiments on campuses and I think they are probably right in the sense that there is a growing support among university students in the United States for the pro-Palestinian movement and for the movement to divest Israel and things of that nature,” the analyst said Sunday.

“This is markedly different from anti-Semitism,” he argued. “Anti-Semitism implies a carte blanche hostility or prejudice against Jewish people and that is not what the pro-Palestinian movement is about at all.”

Preston said there were even Jewish students promoting movements like the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement against Israel.

“So, I think this is something of a smoke-screen argument that is being raised and claims that anti-Semitism is somehow growing on American campuses,” he said, concluding that such reports in fact show that opposition to Israel’s occupation of Palestine is on the rise.

 

Anarchists Should Embrace Mental Illness Reply

By Vikky Storm

Center for a Stateless Society

For many people, mental illness is a terrifying Other to be shamed and attacked. The mentally ill are to blame for mass shootings. Authoritarian leaders are only authoritarian because they are mentally ill. Mental healthcare means locking people up or medicating them until they act “normal.” But this stigma is largely unearned. Mentally ill people are more likely to be victims of violence than to be perpetrators of violence.

The fact that we describe people like this as “ill” is a reflection of our attitudes towards them. For people with conditions like these (such as myself) and people who advocate for us, the more common term is “neurodivergence.” To us, what we have isn’t an illness we suffer from, but a different neurological structure that we live with. The medicalization of neurodivergence — whereby it is treated as synonymous with illness — is, in itself, a harmful practice. It creates various forms of stigma associated with us, such as those described above, and it turns the way we deal with neurodivergence into an issue of making neurodivergent people “normal”: rather than allowing us to live as we are.

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When Insurrections Die 1

Anarchist News

New Content from Resonance: An Anarchist Audio Distro
When Insurrections Die by Gilles Duve – Listen MP3YouTube
or Read it – PDFText

Are fascism and democracy two sides of the same statist coin? What can the history of fascism tell us about our current moment? How has opposition to fascism ended up strengthening liberal capitalist democracy?

“The question is not: who has the guns? but rather: what do the people with the guns do? 10,000 or 100,000 proletarians armed to the teeth are nothing if they place their trust in anything beside their own power to change the world. Otherwise, the next day, the next month or the next year, the power whose authority they recognize will take away the guns which they failed to use against it.”

This is a reconceived version of “Fascism and Anti-Fascism“(PDF), which Dauvé wrote (under the pen name Jean Barrot) as a preface to a selection of articles on the Spanish Revolution in the French communist journal Bilan (published in 1979). In this text, Dauvé draws on the experiences of the revolutionary movements in Russia, Germany, and Spain to criticize anti-fascism and democracy, and to draw general conclusions for communists today.
Another version of this text appeared in Endnotes #1 (2008) and corrects some typographical errors and improves layout, but has no substantive alterations.

The Brilliant: Episode 44 – How do we fight? Reply

The Brilliant. Listen here.

As a person who has been involved in the post-left anarchist space I’ve had a fight or two with other anarchists. How did we do that? What was off and on the table? Was there a winner/loser? Was it the right thing to do?

This conversation is with Julio, our friend from the LA apocalypse, and covers fighting and what is there to win.

Contact us at The Brilliant email

tick tock 44

:30 A review of the Anews podcast
2:00 An introduction – Are there rules to fighting? Where is the line between conflict and fighting? How is conflict racialized? When/if physical conflict? What about threats? What about threats on the Internet?
7:00 Bob Black and his rules for intra-fighting
10:00 Physicality vs Social Exclusion
15:00 Outrage exhaustion & Left unity
19:00 An order to opposition (should capitalism be first or other peoples bad ideas?)
23:00 Can we discuss, with those we disagree with, anything at all?
27:00 Hope, god, nihilism
32:00 Maoists
36:00 Friends vs Milieu
40:00 LA diversity (its real)
44:00 Political education
47:00 Death of the workers movement (Social Justice vs Trump)
49:00 Some conversation about Joe Rogan
52:00 The sad thing about being a messenger and how to do media training

Anews podcast – episode 6 (April 9 2017) Reply

 Listen here.

 

This is the sixth episode of the podcast for Anarchist News dot org. This is a topical news project based on the posts of Anarchist News, about what is happening in the anarchist space.

It was recorded the 6th of April and covers the last week.

Introduction

On Our Minds today – Syria

Editorial – Associative Crimes

Whats new this week

TOTW – Paranoia

In Detail

-prison memoirs of an anarchist
– The Anarchism of Blackness
– An Imaginary Dialog with a Supporter of Taking Pictures

 

Max Stirner: The Dissolute Life of an Egoist 2

By Keith Preston

stirner2

German intellectual culture of the early nineteenth century produced an amazing variety of thinkers whose influence would continue to be felt two centuries later. Among the most interesting of these were those influenced in various ways by G.W.F. Hegel, but who utilized Hegel merely as a starting point for the widely diverse direction their individual thought would assume. Karl Marx was one of these thinkers, and perhaps the one with the most far reaching and durable influence. However, another fascinating thinker from this time period was an individual that in many ways could be considered the ultimate counterpart to Marxian communism, and to such a degree that a significant part of Marx’s The German Ideology is devoted to attacking his ideas. The individual in question was a dissolute figure who wrote under the curious pseudonym of Max Stirner.

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The Importance of Mutuality in the Realm of Tradition 1

By Chris Shaw

Image result for pan anarchism

Tradition is the conception of a solid society of recognised rules and customs with distributed classes of people. Generally seen as the lower and higher orders, society actually has much more complex relations of heredity and hierarchy, which take on different realms and situations. While tradition is certainly seen as the maintenance of certain orders, even in authoritarian circumstances, the reality is that forms of paternalism and natural order require acceptance by said lower orders, who are in fact important blocs of power that do not necessarily find themselves within authoritarian, top-down enforced relations but rather in localised variations of political dispute and argumentation, that can lead to forms of retribution (both violent and non-violent) to maintain mutualities. These mutualities are the real acceptance of such relations which form the backbone of actual tradition. Hierarchies are variable and can be open to acceptance, in the same way forms of property system are open to challenge instead of reliant on pure acceptance[1]. They require voluntary agreement in the realm of the social, otherwise such relations do take on an authoritarian character.

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Is Anarchism Worth It? 3

By Chris Shaw

Image result for types of anarchism

This question comes as a result of the lack of cohesiveness amongst the adherents of anarchism. Anarchists, while professing a common universality of values and beliefs, act as roving tribes when it comes to meetings between their different ideological sects. None seem to coalesce around any unifying concept, with each trying to outdo the other in how left-wing, anti-racist or intersectional they are. That’s all well and good for debate stages and internet forums, but it hardly builds a movement that can be politically and socially strong and that can challenge prevailing power structures. It leads to the question of whether anarchism, as the according ideology to so many beliefs, is really worth the time, the activism, the commitment that it is given.

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Who and What Counts as Anarchism? Reply

From an anarcho-communist Facebook commentator.

WHO AND WHAT COUNTS AS ANARCHISM?

There’s a number of different views on who’s deemed to be a real anarchist and what’s deemed to be legitimate schools of anarchist politics.

Let’s imagine a spectrum of these views, measured in terms of “strictness” of who’s in vs out.

ON THE RIGHT-HAND SIDE

we have the view that anyone who calls themself an anarchist is one, along with anybody from history who seems vaguely anarchistic. So everybody from voluntaryist capitalists to primitivists to pro-market transhumanist individualists to anarchist communists to national anarchists counts as “in”.

ON THE LEFT-HAND SIDE

we have the view that the only legitimate school of anarchism is social anarchism. Meaning anarchist communism (and its descendants), as it existed from its formation within the St. Imier International in the 1870s. Also including the collectivists of Spain, the anarcho-syndicalists, and anarchist social ecologists.

This may seem extreme, after all, wouldn’t this exclude the first person to call themselves an anarchist, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, and even Mikhail Bakunin?

Yes it would. And supporters of this view cite the fact that while both men used the words anarchist as an adjective, and anarchy as a noun, neither ever used the term anarchism (as an -ism) and probably would’ve been against doing so.

They are therefore seen as foundational to movement anarchism, but not part of it themselves. Much like how Rousseau was foundational to Romanticism, while being dead before it became a current in European thought.

COMPARISONS

To dismiss, at the beginning, the view that absolutely anyone who calls themself an anarchist is an anarchist, I think pretty much the only person who takes this view seriously is Keith Preston and his “pan-secessionism” clique. He proposes that we have privatised cities next to fascist racial separatist nations next to anarcho-communist confederations. Not something that’s going to happen.

But even if you exclude the fascists and the capitalists from anarchism, is there not still tension between those who favour a stateless “free market” (even a socialist one) and those who favour a stateless confederation of free communes?

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Response to Fascist Provocation and Entryism at ISFLC Reply

The libertarian antifa. It had to happen. My guess is that a libertarian, anti-state, anarchist mass movement would include multiple major factions, and even more minor factions. Many of these might refuse to associate with each other. There would likely be a centrist reformist wing like Students for Liberty, an alt-right leaning “anarcho-fascist” wing, and a a hard left-wing like C4SS, the an-coms, or “libertarian antifa,” and plenty of neither fish nor fowl perspectives. Bring it on.

Libertarians United Against Fascism

On February 18, 2017, a small group of crypto-fascists calling themselves The Hoppe Caucus [archive] brought Richard Spencer, an open white supremacist, to the International Students for Liberty Conference (ISFLC). The conference organizers did not allow him inside the conference itself, so the provocateurs put him in a bar at the hotel where the conference was held. They deceptively set up a makeshift sign saying that the event was Richard Spencer’s appearance at ISFLC. Shortly thereafter, they were confronted by conference attendees. After about 45 minutes, the fascists were expelled by the bar’s owner.

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In a Polarized Climate, Libertarian Students Look for Common Ground Reply

This is pretty wimpy, middle of the road stuff, but these kids seem to at least be on the right track. This is probably what the centrist, reformist wing of pan-anarchism would look like.

By Julia Sanchez

Chronicle of Higher Education

Their fiscal sensibilities lean toward the Republican Party, and their social beliefs trend Democratic. So libertarian students can sometimes wonder where exactly they fit into the partisan debates playing out on their campuses. Recently, some 1,700 of them registered for the annual International Students for Liberty Conference, in Washington, where they spent time discussing the relationship between individual liberty and personal responsibility. They talked about what it’s like to witness campus political battles from a third-party perspective.

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Against the “Anti-Fascist” Creeps 4

A Review of Alexander Reid-Ross’ “Against the Fascist Creep”

by Keith Preston

Image result for against the fascist creep

Academic Gloss for the Antifa

For decades, a minor cottage industry of professional “anti-racists” and “anti-fascists” has existed for the purpose of perpetually sounding the alarm about the imminent threat posed by supposed “far right extremists.” The most well-known and influential of these is the Southern Poverty Law Center, which has raked in millions of dollars largely by frightening elderly liberals and Jews old enough to remember the Holocaust with hobgoblin tales about the supposedly persistent rise of neo-Nazism in America. The fundraising tactics of the SPLC are nearly identical to those of televangelists soliciting funds from elderly Christians by spinning tales about the supposed infiltration of the public schools by gay pedophiles. If one reads the literature of the SPLC and, for example, the publications of religious right organizations such as Focus on the Family and Coral Ridge Ministries, parallel themes will soon become noticeable. While the SPLC and a similar organization, the Anti-Defamation League, are the major league players in the “anti-fascism” industry, there are a number of minor league players as well ranging from the Ford Foundation-funded (how is that for irony?) Political Research Associates to AK Press, a small publisher oriented towards the “antifa” sector of the wider “anarchist” milieu.

Image result for nerds fighting

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Mutualism: The Philosophy of Anarchy Reply

By Will Schnack

Evolution of Consent

This was composed for a speech given to the East Texas Freethinkers
on February 18th, 2017 in Tyler, Texas.
____________________________________

Mutualism is an anarchist social philosophy first established in print by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. While often considered to be the father of mutualism (something I have repeated and am apt to do again), Proudhon was actually more of its first philosopher, because mutualism already existed to some degree, long before Proudhon would write about it in his works. Proudhon had spent time among the workman’s associations in Lyon, France, where he witnessed fraternal organizations and guilds functioning in mutualistic manners, involving member control from voluntary participants. When he wrote in favor of mutualism, he probably had these cooperative associations in mind. Nonetheless, Proudhon can be considered to be the first philosophical exponent of mutualism as a school of thought.

Along with being the first philosophical proponent of mutualism, Proudhon is the first to call himself an anarchist. Yet, again, the sentiment against government and the state long preceded Proudhon. Some have traced it back to Ancient Greek or Chinese thinkers, such as Zeno or Lao Tzu. Others suggest that others much closer to Proudhon’s time were the first, such as William Godwin or Josiah Warren. Proudhon maintains the title of the first anarchist simply for being the first to call himself such on record.

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