| ◼ Former Miss USA contestant Carrie Prejean Boller got into a contentious back-and-forth at an interfaith working group meeting of Trump’s Religious Liberty Commission. Prejean Boller denounced Zionism, castigated the “Zionist slaves” who are beholden to that philosophy, and defended Candace Owens’s antisemitism: all views she associates with her recently adopted Catholicism. The head of the commission, Texas Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick, accused her of trying to “hijack” the proceedings “for her own personal and political agenda” and kicked her off the panel. As of this writing, Prejean Boller is forecasting her untimely death at the hands of Zionist assassin squads. We hope she gets the help she needs, if not the attention she seeks.
◼ Aluminum is now approximately 60 percent more expensive in America than in the rest of the world. This is the natural result of protectionist tariffs, which currently sit at 50 percent for aluminum. American aluminum producers love the policy, as it enables them to charge higher prices. Everyone else loses, including the many more companies in downstream industries that purchase and process aluminum to manufacture other goods. Workers, more of them in those industries than the aluminum business itself, pay the price in lost jobs and lower wages, and consumers ultimately bear the burden of subsidizing economic inefficiency. Trump might have belatedly gotten the message, as his administration is reportedly thinking of paring back the aluminum tariffs. He should do one better by rescinding them entirely.
◼ The decision by Britain’s Labour government to hand over the Chagos Archipelago to distant Mauritius, a country with increasingly friendly ties to China, made little sense legally and even less sense geopolitically. Diego Garcia, the largest of the Chagos Islands, hosts a major U.S. base. The U.K. proposed to lease back Diego Garcia from Mauritius and pay richly for the privilege. Thereafter, the base will be far more vulnerable and subject to some significant new rules on how it is used. Notwithstanding strong opposition in the U.K., the British government is proceeding to finalize the new arrangement with obsessive determination, in part because of postcolonial guilt. Many of the Chagossians themselves, shamefully dispossessed by London decades ago, are objecting to the handover. The State Department, failing to take the consequences seriously enough, endorsed the proposed deal this week, but Trump later urged the U.K. not to go ahead with it. He is right to signal his opposition.
◼ The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation—the United States’ largest backer of the humanities—is deploying its $7.7 billion endowment to support progressive education initiatives. Recent grants include $500,000 to the University of Utah for research on “transgender and queer of color critique” and an $8 million project titled “Visualizing Abolition” at the University of California, Santa Cruz. As more and more students flock to Southeastern Conference schools like Alabama and Clemson, in part because of the more traditional educational experiences on offer, the Mellon Foundation’s activism only deepens the divide. The people who complained about the Kochs’ influence on campuses are of course almost all unconcerned.
◼ Robert Duvall’s first film role was a famously nonspeaking one: as Arthur “Boo” Radley in To Kill a Mockingbird (1962). He carried himself on-screen with an energy far different from that of his younger peers such as Robert De Niro, Al Pacino, and Dustin Hoffman. Duvall’s career began to take off in the late ’60s with small but significant supporting roles in films such as True Grit and M*A*S*H, but it exploded when he was cast as Tom Hagen in The Godfather. He brought conviction and intensity to every role he played. The list of films he starred in—Apocalypse Now, Network, The Great Santini—is practically a cursus honorum of classic mid- to late-’70s cinema. His greatest role might have been on television, as Augustus McCrae in CBS’s adaptation of Larry McMurtry’s Lonesome Dove. As McCrae said on his deathbed: “My God, it’s been quite the party.” Dead at 95. R.I.P.
◼ Jesse Jackson, born to a single mother in South Carolina, became a Baptist minister and a young follower of Martin Luther King Jr. Post-Sixties, he dabbled in Chicago politics, and he promoted black businesses nationally via a scheme that was a double shakedown—to profit from his harassment of white-owned companies, black businessmen had to pay him off. These activities were lost in the blaze of his first presidential campaign in 1984. Walter Mondale won the Democratic nomination, but Jackson won the applause contest. He could be eloquent, in the manner of the pulpit. He could also be demagogic and careless. He abandoned his opposition to abortion to make himself a leftmost candidate, and casually referred to New York City as “hymietown.” (He apologized after a furor.) In 1988, he ran for president again, but his performance thinned and stiffened. The first successful black presidential candidate was the Ivy League–educated, memoir-writing Barack Obama; the first successful amateur presidential candidate was Donald Trump. Jackson was a harbinger of identity politics, a practitioner of personality-driven populism, and—at his rare best—a ringing voice. Dead at 84. R.I.P. |