We're Back in Business 1

Are anarchists back in business after 70 years? Yes, according to an AP News Report:

European anarchists grow more violent, coordinated … A loosely linked movement of European anarchists who want to bring down state and financial institutions is becoming more violent and coordinated after decades out of the spotlight, and may be responding to social tensions spawned by the continent’s financial crisis, security experts say. Italian police said Tuesday that letter bombs were sent to three embassies in Rome by Italian anarchists in solidarity with jailed Greek anarchists, who had asked their comrades to organize and coordinate a global “revolutionary war.” ~ AP News

The Enlightened White Man's Burden Reply

by Jack Ross

Pat reminds us of his brilliance yet again in taking on the ever-dreary national greatness conceit about the decline of our science and math test scores.  He cites a study by the great Steve Sailer showing that White and Asian test scores still beat all but a very few European and East Asian countries and that it is Black and Hispanic scores keeping the numbers down.  Per the above link to Lew Rockwell, I have always detested the science and math score conceit as just so much hand-wringing from the NBC school of national greatness liberalism (and to be sure, often enough, the national greatness conservatives).  But this revelation from going behind the numbers reveals something far more pernicious.

I trust it is hardly an original observation with me that all of our righteous NGO trendiness toward Africa is but so much window-dressing for keeping the white man master in Africa while China, India, and Dubai are scrambling for their respective pieces of the pie.  But the fundamental racism, pathologically determined to deny itself, of enlightened white liberalism seems most evident in the science-and-math conceit.  The pathologies of our national greatness religion cannot allow for an acknowledgment that the majority-minority America of 2050, if indeed the Union is even still in tact, will not be the harbinger of an inter-racial global millennium as they would like to believe.

This is the new white man’s burden – to uplift that chosen segment of the brown people that will yet one day lead the American empire.  It has failed before it has even begun.

"All Hedonists Are Equal, But Some Hedonists Are More Equal Than Others" Reply

Observes Paul Gottfried.

Most of the alternatives posed to the present liberal tyranny, Jim points out, are flawed or unworkable. Glorifying the wills of some superior individuals or an ideal community based on biological similarity or working class élan may be to retreat into wishful thinking or else to open the door to alternative forms of tyranny. And the liberal hedonism on which the current democratic managerial order is built enhances control by “social professionals” and “scientific administrators,” as soon as we recognize that hedonistic egalitarianism cannot provide equal gratification for everyone. What this eccentric but now prevalent ideology produces is having “experts” and “human rights” priests decide on whose claims to gratification are to be satisfied. The others will have to go to the back of the line.

See also Gottfried’s take on efforts by FOX News to send the history of the real Right in America down the memory hole.

Bradley Manning: Defending Our Freedom Reply

Kevin Carson on a genuine military hero.

When I hear someone say that soldiers “defend our freedom,” my immediate response is to gag.  I think the last time American soldiers actually fought for the freedom of Americans was probably the Revolutionary War — or maybe the War of 1812, if you want to be generous.  Every war since then has been for nothing but to uphold a system of power, and to make the rich folks even richer.

R.I.P. Aaron Zelman Reply

The leader of Jews for the Preservation of Firearms Ownership has died. See obituaries here and here.

My only contact with Aaron was a lengthy telephone conversation about fifteen years ago, but I found him to be a highly impressive individual. JPFO’s materials are some of the most compelling available when making the case against firearms prohibition laws. In particular, JPFO has gathered substantial evidence that firearms prohibition/confiscation is a frequent prelude to genocide, and has provided substantive documentation that America’s Gun Control Act of 1968 was deliberately modeled on Nazi legislation and on anti-firearms legislation enacted in the Weimar Republic before the Nazi ascension.

Attack the System at the Enforcement Level 4

So says Kevin Carson:

I saw a couple of heartening news items this past week that illustrate the same principle.  First, a judge in Missoula County Montana complained that it would soon likely become almost impossible to enforce anti-marijuana laws because of the increasing difficulty of seating juries.  In a recent drug case, so many potential jurors in the voir dire process declared their unwillingness to enforce the pot laws that the prosecution chose to work out a plea deal instead.  The defendant’s attorney stated that public opinion “is not supportive of the state’s marijuana law and appeared to prevent any conviction from being obtained simply because an unbiased jury did not appear available under any circumstances …”  The same thing happened in about sixty percent of alcohol cases under Prohibition.

Public agitation against a law may be very fruitful indeed — but not so much by creating pressure to change the law as by creating a climate of public opinion such that it becomes a dead letter.

Meanwhile, Darian Worden takes down the public school system.

The control of government institutions should be shifted away from centralized power structures to people with immediate understanding and interest. Greater choice in education and more student participation in directing the learning process should be created. It is also important to foster culture that values individual character over certified economic adequacy. Public employee unions, which are political organizations with members afraid to publicly speak out against official policy, ought to be remade into, or replaced with, workers’ organizations in which a spirit of mutual aid and solidarity prevails over the goal of securing political privilege. Instead of looking to the boss for protection from the market, workers should shape the market to value humanity over hierarchy.


Anti-Wikileaks Liberals and the Cult of Authority Reply

Justin Raimondo takes down Michael Lind.

Lind’s “new nationalism,” is, I’m afraid, the same as the “old” nationalism: a flag-waving, hysterical, ingrown doctrine of delusion and rationale for unbridled militarism. It is an ideological instrument that makes repression easier to justify, even as the epitome of an enlightened “liberalism.” Like all statists, his is the idolatry of Authority, which requires secrecy as a matter of course. His socialistic vision of a highly centralized American state, which controls much of the economy and society, far from curtailing US intervention around the globe, would make it far easier for our government to marshal national resources around an aggressive foreign policy. Once they grab power, these sorts of “liberals” are usually the first to make the most of it. In Lind’s rabid ultra-nationalism, we are seeing the future of “liberalism” as it exists under President Obama – and what a discredited, foul creature it is!

Also, check out James Leroy Wilson’s “Faith in Authority“:

Many secular Statists will say that a religion is discredited when its adherents kill in the name of God. But then they have no qualms about sending our soldiers to some remote land to kill in the name of Freedom and Democracy. They will say it is wrong to censor blasphemy, but see no problem in censoring political speech to ensure “clean” elections. They think it’s wrong to regulate personal choices for “moral” reasons – but will regulate all aspects of your life in the name of “public health.”

Leftist Deja Vu 3

by  Jack Ross

Originally published at Jack’s Post Right blog for The American Conservative

I am admittedly late in commenting on this item on @TAC praising a new effort to unify and strengthen leftist dissent from Obama.  It brings me nothing so much as an overwhelming sense of deja vu about my own youthful travels on the left and what it was that ultimately left me dubious if not completely disillusioned.

Some personal history first.  I became a more-or-less committed Green Party backer in my first year of college (my mind-boggling assortment of other associations will be a topic for another day).  By the time the 2004 election was in full swing I was solidly behind Nader over the Democratic plant David Cobb to get the Green nomination, but when Cobb prevailed I was disgusted by both sides in the faction fight and ended up voting for Socialist Walt Brown – prompted in large measure by a friend who was voting for him after learning he was pro-life which, unsurprisingly, got him into hot water with some of his initial supporters.  I happen to know that the men responsible for getting Walt on the ballot in his two best states respectively, Florida and Wisconsin, both voted for Pat Buchanan in 2000.

By late 2003 I had also fallen in love with the young upstart TAC, which provided intellectual stimulation I could never have hoped to find on the left.  It is worth noting that a great deal of the displeasure with Nader from what my friend Keith Preston aptly calls “reactionary leftists” was over his friendly interview with TAC and enthusiastic support from Buchanan backers like Pat Choate and Justin Raimondo.

I take this stroll down memory lane to set the stage for the current effort represented by ProtestObama.org.  I have great respect for all the signers, if for some more than others.  If I am correct to interpret from their plan of action that they are calling for unity of the third parties of the left, I can only urge it on.  A part of me even takes the hope from this that the heartbreak of the Green implosion will lead to a bigger and better force, analogous perhaps to the organizational chaos in the last quarter of the 19th century that led up to the formation of the Socialist Party in 1901.

Alas, that’s the optimist in me.  The major source of deja vu in all this is that this open letter takes the form of a direct appeal to a group which is not unjustly referred to as the “left establishment”.  These characters who for whatever strange reason are singled out by name – Norman Solomon, Barbara Ehrenreich, Michael Moore, Tom Hayden, Katrina vanden Heuvel – were the Stalinoids centered around The Nation I hated with a passion as a young Green and viewed as one of, if not the major obstacle in the way of the revival of a more authentic and populist left.  In short they are exactly the people anyone interested in rebuilding a serious third party movement on the left needs to pointedly ignore.

It would be an injustice to readers if I did not also point out the serious reasons for pause.  The Peace and Freedom Party, though a crucial backer of Nader in 2008 and a touchstone of nostalgia for many libertarians, ran for Nancy Pelosi’s seat this past year Gloria La Riva of the Party of Socialism and Liberation, an offshoot probably constituting the majority of the old Workers World Party, which not only worships at the altar of the Kim dynasty but has defended Idi Amin as a progressive anti-imperialist.  I even found in my brushing up that one of their members got the Green nomination for a state legislative seat in Ohio.  The Workers World remnant itself even endorsed the Green ticket in 2008 rather than run their own campaign.

But let us assume for now that this is ultimately a minor stumbling block.  Indeed, the best defense against such a cancer is aggressive outreach to middle-American radicals, as the Greens showed some promise of in their headiest days from 2002-04.  An event last spring in Madison, Wisconsin, at which several Greens joined hands with TAC’s own Sean Scallon, Angela Keaton of Antiwar.com, and the heroic third-party defender Christina Tobin, could represent the basis of future unity.

Last summer, I was seized by the idea of Bill Kauffman as the candidate all the people at that event could get behind in 2012, and could do well enough to keep the third party flame alive at a time its desperately needed.  I had little luck modestly floating a trial balloon last summer, yet I can not shake off the vision of Batavia as the new Terre Haute.  Bill Kauffman in 2012 – who’s with me?

The Tragedy of Martin Van Creveld 2

by Jack Ross

Originally posted at The American Conservative

Richard Silverstein blogs about the most recent newspaper column of Martin van Creveld, the brilliant Israeli military historian and author of the monumental work The Rise and Decline of The State.  The column is just the conventional argument that it is necessary for Israel to retreat to the 1967 borders in order to survive as a Jewish state.  It is argued with the bluntness one would expect of a hard-headed realist, or at least that which we should have expected five years ago when there was still a prayer for the two-state solution.

The Rise and Decline of The State is probably the greatest and most profound work of sociology since the time of Weber and Marx.  Its thesis is that the modern state was created at the dawn of modernity for the purpose of sustaining large standing armies to wage war, that this enterprise peaked in the first half of the 20th century with the two world wars, but has been on a slow but sure decline since the end of the Second World War, meaning, ultimately, the decline and fall of the state itself.

The importance of the work has been widely recognized by libertarians as well as by such other interested theorists as William Lind, and even they probably have yet to do it justice.  For van Creveld might also be read as nothing less than the vindication of Marxism, since it is in fact under social democracy (that is, under European welfare states that have all but abolished their militaries) that the state has begun to whither away.  Indeed, as I have noted in the past in such places as the above link, the early discovery of this phenomenon was crucial to the spawn of neoconservatism.  And for that matter, one could even describe the present crisis of the European welfare states, to be in equal measure gratuitously and ironically Marxist, as the exposure of the system’s contradictions.

The tragedy of van Creveld is that this (possibly inadvertent) giant has devoted a considerable degree of his energies to try and rescue the state in which he lives – which is, at that, the last state on Earth committed to preserving the original precepts of the modern state in its first principles.  (America is a somewhat more complex case, a topic for another day).  In his past writings on the Israeli dilemma he has proposed the most conventional Laborite program of forging an alliance with Syria and Saudi Arabia against Iran, which raises the question of how the author of The Rise and Decline of The State could in all seriousness make such an ossified Metternichian proposal.

For surely van Creveld must also recognize the great revolutionary moment represented by the 2006 Lebanon War, in which for the first time since no later than Westphalia, the state (Lebanon) was unable to commit its essential function of defending its people against the war of aggression being waged against them by Israel, and therefore this function fell to the non-state actor of Hezbollah.  In our actually existing world, if one is to go by the Marxist template the better part of wisdom counsels that the case of Lebanon is closer to the Muenster Rebellion than the Paris Commune, meaning the world after the state is still a few centuries off.  Yet revolutions do come into this world like bastard children.

History will judge whether Martin van Creveld was merely the Hegel whom the libertarian Marx had to turn on his head or something greater still.  But surely it is a tragedy of historic proportions that the prophet is destined to be at the ramparts defending the very vanguard opposing his own prophecy.

Left Libertarians: A Dispassionate Assessment 67

by Michael Parish

Originally published at A Beautiful Mind

Left-Libertarianism is an ideology that seeks to hybridize the economic agenda of classical liberalism with the cultural agenda of the New Left, as such constituting a conscious return to the movement as it existed in the mid to late nineteen sixties. Therefore it appears paradoxically both radical, in that desires a thorough recalibration of the status quo, and reactionary, in its quest to re-establish a vanished ideology. This apparent paradox collapses rather quickly, as a thorough examination of their philosophy extinguishes its pretenses at radicalism and renders transparent its purely reactionary nature.

Left-Libertarianism is, before it is Left, libertarian. As such, it carries it with it the historical detrius of classical liberalism, instantiated in the movement’s atomist conception of human society. In the Left-libertarian mind, the atomized individual is the basis of society, and individual agency it’s base causal (and constituting) factor; the latter is therefore a chance aggregate of individuals and their actions. From this conception the the individual assumed as their one and only theoretical reference point, and all social and political issues are evaluated with it as its their basis.

On this point, they have human development inverted; while it is certainly true that everyone is an individual, no one develops autonomously as if a vacuum. Prior to his entry into society, the identity of the individual develops through and only through his relation to others. This occurs specifically through the civil institutions whose existence predates his own, first his nuclear and then extended family, his local community, his religious or otherwise ideological institution, and so forth. It is impossible to conceive of an individual without reference to such factors. The individual, therefore, is not the beginning but the end of society, and therefore of politics.

To the extent that their recognition of this fails, to the same extent they champion the abstract concept of “individual liberty.” However, liberty (here defined in the purely negative sense) is a cause, not an effect; a means, not an end. In society, it is the latter, not the former that has empirically observable effects and is therefore of significance. Within the sphere of human interaction, it is the ends sought by individuals, not the means employed to achieve them, that are our object of concern.

In their misconstruing raw materials for finished products, the Left-Libertarians deliver a wholly unsatisfactory social theory. Prior to the “liberation” of the individual it is imperative that a functioning set of civic institutions be developed through which he learns to healthily exercise his liberation. Before he is freed from formal coercion to exercise his “liberty” he must develop in such a way as to learn to channel said liberty towards productive purposes. In summation, the aim of any politics of credibility is the cultivation of a functioning societal whole, not the satisfaction of every individual’s subjective ephemera, as the Libertarian Lefties believe.

The second critical error in the Left-Libertarian approach is their implied economic determinism, another historical carryover from their liberal heritage. The assumption here, that the economy and relations therein are the basis of human society from which all other factors are derivatives, leads to the envisioning of a society built entirely around commercial interactions. This again is an inversion, and one that leads to societal disintegration. Contrary to the reductionist myopia of the LL, homo sapien is a social animal long prior to his being an economic one. The basic interpersonal relations between friend and friend, husband and wife, and parent and child developed on their own prior to existence of economies and economic ones, the latter having historically developed only as a buttress for the facilitation of the former. To repeat an observation from the preceding paragraph, the LLers are again mistaking means for ends, resulting in an anemic social outline informed by a vulgar economism. It is imperative that civic institutions, those that exist prior to and independent of state and commercial ones, be recognized as the basis of society, and the market be relegated to its proper role as but a necessary extension of them.

The second function of the LLer’s economic reductionism is their anti-cultural bias. If the economic sphere is the foundation of society, then it naturally follows that matters of ethnicity, language, and culture are ephemeral transience, their dictation by the effects of the market not only permissible but imperative. Denouncing collective identities in the name of abstract “individualism”, they display the critical flaw of all rationalism: the inability to comprehend not only that which cannot be measured mathematically, but the values of those who adhere to them. They accordingly mistake historically evolved entities for arbitrarily defined “constructs”, which are to be destroyed for the ostensible purpose of further individual liberation; the type of individuals and societies to emerge in their wake are left undefined. This line of thought results, again, in a predictably grotesque reductionism. Given the natural tendency of the state and capitol to erode such organic identities and their respective cultures, and the consequent necessity of supporting them, this attitude is hardly of use within the context of contemporary anti-statism.

Bewildering about them is one principle inherited from the Left, in contrast to their libertarian positions, is their belief in egalitarianism. As Left-Libertarianism is essentially an economic doctrine their belief in “equality” can only be discussed in economic terms. To that end, individualism of the bourgeoisie sort they champion is wholly incompatible with economic equality. In political philosophy there are two competing conceptions of the individual. The first is the concrete individual, definitively unequal by his degree of personal merit; the second is the liberal “individual”, believed to be equal only by the mental process of abstraction which has stripped him of all defining characteristics. It is obvious which view the LLers predicate their theory on. In concrete terms, the inherently unequal distribution of merit within the population will produce a correspondingly unequal distribution of wealth. The dissolution of the corporate state, and the ensuing absence of artificial privilege, will not mathematically produce a society without elites but one without false elites.

That said, the insistent restatement of “equality” betrays a fundamental naivete on their part. Contrary to the negative connotations attributed to them by liberal philosophy, terms such as “elites” and “inequality” are not pejoratives but accurate descriptions of ontological reality. An “elite” is merely a person who excels in his given area of expertise that he is distinguished from the general population; “inequality” within the structure of institutions is therefore a natural sign of societal health so much as it reflects actual disparities between their constituent members. The pursuit of its opposite, an unattainable ideal, is the pursuit of a chimera, the realization of which is possible only artificially, requiring the introduction of massive and damaging bureaucracy.

As a byproduct of modern liberalism, particularly its rationalist component, Left-Libertarianism is unable to distinguish qualitative differences between individuals, cultures, and groupings thereof. In the place of such factors they trumpet, rather loudly, abstract universalism. This reveals another crucial ontological miscalculation: the ignorance of relevant particulars and their potentiality as determinate factors in politics, and exaggerated primacy granted to (imagined)universals. Liberalism, including the kind that informs Left-Libertarianism, is one of these particulars, instantiated only at a specific interval of space (Western Civilization, specifically its Anglo Saxon branch) and time (mid-modernity, specifically post-1700’s.) Their foundational principles, including the autonomy of the individual and rights belonging there-in, have never existed outside this spatio-temporal milieu and it is highly unlikely they ever will. It remains dubious as to whether or not all of “humanity” will agree to join hands with them as “citizens of the world”, much less abandon their historically ingrained norms in favor of Western leftism.

Most troublesome about the ideology is its woefully incomplete societal analysis. The modern state is intimately connected to the philosophical premises of modern liberalism; an effective critique of the former necessitates one of the latter. On this note, the LLers fall pitifully short. For with all the enthusiasm with which they jab the state they posit but a partially qualified variant of the same Lockean social theory that informs it. This cripples not only their analysis but their potential for future success; sharing first principles with the regime you only recently displaced facilitates its immediate reconstitution.

They attack Social Contract theory as a hollow ploy for ruling class self-legitimation, but retain the same assumptions about human nature and activity. According to the contractualists, rational individuals consciously decide to establish written guidelines for overcoming the “state of nature”; according to the Libertarian Left, these same individuals consciously decide to cooperate on a stateless market. Implicit in this view is the invisible line drawn between civil society and the state, regarding the latter as an artificial imposition upon the former. Missing here is the conception of human society as a living organism, one which developed historically, not out of rational decisions but irrational circumstances, and of which the state is unfortunately an organic component. Only when such premises are accepted will the receptivity of the population to voluntaryst forms of social organization reach critical mass.

Troubling still is the LLers over-reliance on abstract principles to justify their anti-statism. Supposed axioms, such as “taxation is theft” are incomplete propositions; they are premises without conclusions. Even with the addition of a conclusion, such as “therefore taxation is wrong” they are still useless even if  theoretically valid. For this statement to be of any importance it must be demonstrated that first that this “taxation” correlates directly to a concrete phenomena occurring in the concrete world, second that it has an actual negative effect on said world, and third that society would actually improve in its absence. Otherwise, this is merely a walled off cognitive sequence that leads to inaction and ineffectiveness, as the population will not rally behind abstract theories.

The fetishization of “natural rights” evinced by many in this milieu serves a similar non-purpose, and betrays a fundamental ignorance of the nature of politics. “Natural rights” is part and parcel of a project seeking to instill human political affairs with a moral basis. Such a feat is impossible, as politics is based not on morality but on the self-interest of its participants. “Rights” and the ethical schemata underlying them are abstract entities reflecting only the self interest of the person or group invoking them. Metaphysically, they are causally inert; your “right to life” will not save you from a gun blast, as the former exists only within your consciousness but the latter is a physical object in the concrete world of phenomena. In political affairs, the “rights” the populace enjoys derive not from metaphysical-ethical schemes but from actually existing power relations. Therefore, it is the latter, not the former, that deserves radical attention. Or, to quote Proudhon “I don’t want rules but I’ll bargain.”

Ultimately, the motives of the LLers remain nebulous at best.While claiming opposition to the state in theory, their social values nonetheless reflect the current condition the institution and its economic corollary have inflicted on Western society. The deterioration of organic and pre-rational structures, and the consequent homogenization and materialist reductionism of human values, are a conscious aspect of the state’s function in the contemporary world, as the institution’s main role in this era is to serve as the vehicle for the further implementation of late modernity. As such, it remains unclear their rationale for anti-state sentiment when their core concepts are far better suited to the administered individualism of the centre-Left.

Within a historical context, their own implicitly linear and determinist conception notwithstanding, placing them within a critical dialectic is impossible. They represent, not a rebuttal to established ideology and its derivative forms, but a restatement of same taken to an even further level. As such they can be seen as the product of two factors, the first being the  psychological alienation experienced by those who do not identify with society in its current condition but whose existence is also unthreatened by it and secondly, the impossibility for members of a society to think along lines not predetermined by the epistime of their society in that particular era. If, as Hegel remarked, “philosophy is its own time raised to thought” then Left-Libertarianism is its own time raised halfway there.

Black Segregation in US Drops to All-Time Low 2

Some interesting data on race and class in America.

This caught my attention:

Amid swirling congressional debate over taxing the wealthy, three localities in Virginia had median household income of more than $100,000 – Falls Church, and Fairfax and Loudoun counties.

Those three localities are just outside of Washington, D.C. in northern Virginia, about two hours north of my residence. They are populated mostly by civil servants and other federal employees, government officials, military personnel, professional bureaucrats, employees of welfare-corporations (particularly defense contractors), and lawyers whose business is government-related. In other words, northern Virginia is predictably a haven for the parasite class. Not surprisingly, the area has the most stable, prosperous, and affluent economy in the country.

Zionist Media Boss Attacks Anarchists! Reply

In their critique of the influence of the Israel lobby over US foreign policy, Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer identified Mortimer Zuckerman as a leading figure in the media wing of organized Zionism in the US.  Zuckerman’s reply?: “”I would just say this: The allegations of this disproportionate influence of the Jewish community reminds me of the 92-year-old man sued in a paternity suit. He said he was so proud; he pleaded guilty.”

Now Zuckerman has turned his sights on Anarchists in the wake of the Wikileaks controversy.

Encouraging Words from a Reader 1

A reader recently posted these comments on a left-libertarian discussion board. These are very encouraging words (and not just because it includes praise for Yours Truly). This is the kind of genuine independent thinking we need for anarchists to engage in, rather than just being drones for this or that sectarian ideology, whether PC left-anarchism or anarcho-capitalism.

I proudly say that I vascillate between anarchist schools, though I have serious problems with ancom and REALLY really right-wing Heathian-style ancap. My biggest old-school anarchist influences though, would definitely be Tucker, Proudhon, and Carson, so you could say I’m center-left on the anarcho-spectrum. I started being politically active as a communist, I thought things like money and paying to get basic services were unjust before ever reading Marx, and then I discovered communism.

I always knew it to be the classless, stateless kind though, but I went along with all the Soviet Union stuff and Lenin and Trotsky and all that anyway. I was raised liberal but my parents were and are just Democrats, nothing ideological or even opinionated at all, they never talked about welfare like most liberals and state-socialists do. I still have an emotional attachment to the old Left and some of the Leninist tracts I used to read, unfortunately, even though they’re pigheaded nonsense to me now.

What got me into anarchism was somehow coming across libertarian socialism on Wikipedia. I read stuff on ancom from there, and finally anarchism itself. It was the Anarchist FAQ that really “made me an anarchist”, still, its rhetoric is the fieriest of any writing on anarchy I’ve seen, even though it has pretty bad arguments against markets and capitalism and stuff looking at it from where I am now. And obviously I had no problems with “freedom” and “libertarianism” , obviously, I was more for that after I read alot of the FAQ. What really got me “against the State” and totally in the camp that all governments today were illegitimate parasites that have got to die, was Spooner’s No Treason and Stefan Molyneux. And I still think wage labour is slavery and money is coercive, and am a big fan of Parecon and decentralised planned economies, just think they’re economically untenable. And communism in general is untenable.

Ended up watching Brainpolice, Laughingman0x and all the important stuff by all the important people on Youtube, I guess you could say it was Jacob Spinney, thorsmitersaw, and Kevin Carson that really made my “rightward” shift talking about how all the concentrations in capitalism were due to state priveleges and stuff. Though I’ve never really READ Carson, his books are just too huge. Also never really read the big Austrians like Mises as they’re stuff is heavy too, but I’m still pretty much an Austrian. And a socialist too, imagine that. :mrgreen:

I really don’t have a huge problem with ancap believe it or not, and I’m really surprised to see them under-represented here, even though this is for the “libertarian left”. I like Molyneux’s book and I like For a New Liberty, actually, the biggest problems I think ancap has really recent Youtube critics have brought up. And I’m a huge fan of Fringelements’s videos too. Other than those guys, the biggest influence on my ideologies is die definitely Keith Preston. Voluntary segregation, decentralized governments of all shapes and sizes co-existing in my desired American Confederation, all that stuff. Pretty much all of his articles are some of my favourite stuff. He’s why I’m a voluntarist first and foremost.

Which leads me to the two things that will probably piss alot of people off here, even though you seem like an even-headed crowd. First off, I have a reactionary side. I agree with the “totalitarian humanism” idea Preston has and I dabble in white nationalism, and like alot of the stuff on Alternative Right. I like Burke, Kirk, the national-anarchists, Carl Schmitt, Jurgen Habernas, Julius Evola, Alan de Benoist, Paul Gottfried, Joseph Sobran, all those guys. I even admire the aims and mythology of fascism a little bit. Hell of alot better than Stalinism. I’m still a liberal and want to see liberal values triumph, gays empowered in their own identities, women empowered, destructive hateful practices between races worked through, I just take these conservatives as influences. And I’m only a white nationalist in a broad sense, if you can understand that, I have no wish to create a USA for white people or even live in a homogenous territory, but in a broad sense of racial and cultural feeling and expression. The same should be for every other race. I’m not a Christian either, I hate conservative Christians’ morality. I often call my view “liberal traditionalism” in that its still individualist and liberal but so different from the way liberals and Marxists want to do it. Unless your into this stuff, especially if you’ve never read or understood people like Evola, you probably wouldn’t understand any of this so, please, if your far-left, don’t bother inquiring, if your a traditionalist, I’d be happy to discuss my unique take on all this.

Secondly, if you know who Evola is, you’d probably’ve guessed it: I’m a theist. A pretty unabashed New Ager and pantheist on the “religious” side, with some more serious Hegelianism, Bergsonian and Schopenhaurian idealism, Buddhism and Taoism on the “philosophical” side. Plus most of the modern writers you would associate with that kind of thing that aren’t really New Agey in any way people would think of it now, like Ken Wilber. Although I obviously depart from all of those in places. This’ll summarize the closest things to my views on “philosophy” right now, although it obviously changes constantly, as it should, especially if your into Zen LOL.

Alright, all the politics and philosophy done with, personal stuff. Rural Upstate New Yorker, posit myself somewhere between British and American as I have an affinity for the old Spirit of ’76 Yankee rugged individualist New England forests kind of thing, but I’ve always held a deeper spiritual connection with Britain and Europe and speak with something of a cross between a Northern England and Canadian dialect. Strict PC gamer all my life, mostly RPG’s and RTS’s, but some FPS’s. Dress anachronistically and love 60’s and 70’s culture, love Celtic, British and European culture, as well as Far Eastern and Native American culture. Very European in my mannerisms. Watch association football when I can, root for the Munster team, Irish nationals, and a few English clubs, Chelsea in the big British leagues, and even the English team when Ireland isn’t playing LOL. My sn is my best friend’s nickname first, and aointas a cead, which is very badly done Irish for “union of a hundred”. I sing and I’m learning to play guitar. Music nerd, love every music genre except radio pop and rock. The big stuff is underground metal like doom, black, power, and tech death metal, classic metal, huge into classic rock and even more into psychedelic rock. I need to hear more indie stuff. And I especially love acoustic folk, probably more than anything else right now. Even like some underground and classic hip hop and rap. I try to put fun into everything I do which is why I’ll be nine times more joking and funny than everyone else on serious forum discussions, just so you know xD. And I try to be emotionally open and happy most of the time. I love my friends more than anything else in the world.

All in all, I’m probably the most “dialectical” person on here philosophically. I belong to no school of thought, am an ardent revolutionary, and try to be the most unique person I can when it comes to these things, cheers!

The Plight of the Intellectuals 1

Jack Ross assesses the Left-Neoconservatives of the Euston Manifesto persuasion. The Euston Manifesto is particularly important because it outlines what will be the ideological future of the Western ruling classes, i.e. neoconservative foreign policy views, the Zionist/Islamophobic paradigm, neoliberal economics, and the social agenda of the far Left.  Therefore, look for the grassroots right-wing to increasingly resemble the English Defense League, which is essentially the Euston Manifesto ideology for the commoners.

I’ve blogged about the EDL here before, as I find it to be a fascinating synthesis of neoconservatism and the far Left. The EDL seems to be oriented towards deplorable ends (support for the neocon international agenda while using Islamophobia as a smokescreen), but it also has a casual resemblance to what we do here, which is in some ways a synthesis of the far Left and paleoconservativism. For some time, I have predicted that the real political dividing lines in the future will be between a far Left that supports the neocon foreign policy and economic paradigm as a means of advancing social Leftism and views cultural conservatives and the far Right as its foremost enemy, and a more radical Left that zealously opposes the neocon program of permanent war abroad, re-proletarianization of the US economy, and expansion of the police state, and is more open to strategic alliances with dissident sectors on the Right in opposition to common enemies, and recognizes the necessity of such. As I’ve said before, I see this in some ways analogous to the historic rivalry between the Anarchists and the Communists.  The political battles of the future may well pit a revolutionary Left/paleconservative dissident alliance against an establishment Left/neoconservative ruling class alliance.